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Natasha Feiner

The focus here is on national, rather than intergovernmental, regulation. Specifically, this chapter traces how the relationship between the British state, business and individual workers shifted in regulatory terms between 1954 and 1982, a period of significant political change, with state interventionism being replaced, by the 1980s, with widespread faith in market mechanisms and a retrenchment of the state under the Conservative governments of Margaret Thatcher. The chapter argues, however, that existing historiographical assumptions need to be re

in Balancing the self
Nico Randeraad

38 02/12/2009 12:13:50 Paris 1855 Polytechnique. During the First Empire, he pursued a career as a naval engineer. His father had been a member of the National Assembly during the revolutionary period and later became a prefect, so it is not surprising that Dupin – like his elder brother André-Marie – had political ambitions. In 1827, he entered Parliament as a liberal. In and outside Parliament, he positioned himself as a naval specialist and a man of extensive knowledge of socio-economic issues. In 1820, he published the six-volume Force militaire de la Grande

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Agency and selfhood at stake
Lara Apps and Andrew Gow

theory posits that actors always have choices, no matter how restricted; ‘agent-centred’ morality proposes a novel twist on both traditional Kantian internalist categories and a useful political starting point for taking agents’ conscious moral choices seriously. 2 In this chapter, we address the problems of both male and female witches’ agency and selfhood. Issues of agency and resistance are not

in Male witches in early modern Europe
Jonathan Colman

House mainly to secure political advantage at home. He also had little desire for ‘hot-line’ conversations, as he resented being put ‘on the spot’ over the telephone. But Wilson’s letters did not place him under pressure as did the more direct means of communication, and they were of growing interest to the President as US ties with Britain grew more problematic. The Prime Minister wrote thirty-one times in January–July 1966

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Consultation and conditions
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

Lowe, told the journalist Ngaio Crequer in 1978 that ‘In practice, professors have largely accepted what the board says. So we have moved from what is laid down in the constitution. And most professors have seen this as a development worth having.’ In some departments professors became, at least to begin with, chairmen of the board, as in Government, over which Samuel Finer presided before his departure to Oxford. So long as the professorial chairman was a conscientious interpreter of the people’s will, conflict between departmental democracy and executive authority

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Open Access (free)
Robert Mackay

international dimensions. Millions of people, seasoned politicians among them, placed their trust in the newly formed League of Nations as their safeguard against the recurrence of the disaster of war. Nowhere was this more so than in Britain, where successive governments maintained the national role of stalwart of the League and where signed-up pacifism became a pervasive part of domestic political discourse. Its reality was manifest not just in the membership numbers of the peace associations and the official line of the Labour Party, but also in the winding-down of the

in Half the battle
A. W. Brian Simpson

deterrent, and were not hampered by technicalities of procedure and rights of appeal. Sentences were, however, subject to executive review. In Ireland only trial by court martial provided any hope of securing a conviction. But the War Office view did not prevail. The War Office rejected a compromise, which would have been to either drop the death penalty for DORA offences, or introduce an appeal is such cases.52 It was this DORA which provided the first statutory warrant for holding a common law criminal trial which might lead to the death penalty in camera. Section 1 (3

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Mary Warnock, embryos and moral expertise
Duncan Wilson

4 ‘Where to draw the line?’ Mary Warnock, embryos and moral expertise The political enthusiasm for external oversight was made clear in 1982 when officials at the DHSS broke from the longstanding reliance on scientific and medical expertise and prioritised ‘an outside chairman’ for their public inquiry into IVF and embryo experiments. After a brief discussion about possible chairs, politicians chose the moral philosopher Mary Warnock to chair an inquiry in which, for the first time, individuals from other professions outnumbered doctors and scientists. Warnock

in The making of British bioethics
The intellectual influence of non-medical research on policy and practice in the Colonial Medical Service in Tanganyika and Uganda
Shane Doyle

technological mastery of the imperial scientist, and praised the power of the colonial state to transform communities, legitimised and facilitated by medical expertise. 1 These assertions and ambitions, however, were not always realised. Medical interventions were frequently shaped by racial or political rather than objective, scientific motivations, and their consequences could be destabilising rather than

in Beyond the state
Open Access (free)
John Marriott

long tradition of perceiving the metropolitan poor as a bizarre collection of beggars and vagrants with criminal propensities. It did this by effectively remapping their moral, political and spatial boundaries. First, Colquhoun dismissed mendicity as a source of large-scale criminal activity. His conception of criminal plunder was based exclusively on commerce and empire. He displaced elaborate

in The other empire