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The Conservatives in crisis

to power. Defeat was predicted in 1992, but instead the party won a record 14 million votes. In the post-war period, the Conservatives regularly won elections because of their dependable middle-class majority, plus support from a significant section of the numerically dominant working class. In 1997 and 2001, New Labour achieved cross-class appeal, securing many direct conversions among those ‘upwardly mobile’ voters who supported Mrs Thatcher in the 1980s. The Conservatives were also a national party with support across Great Britain and (until 1974) an alliance

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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century, ballads, autobiography (much of it unpublished),30 and ‘pit poetry’ by ‘minerpoets’ such as Joseph Skipsey31 were the most important forms.32 Ballads and poems (often composed using a dialect of English such as ‘pitmatic’, or another language such as Scots or Welsh) record major accidents and disabilities. By the 1880s, a tradition of coalfields novels began to emerge, largely in the form of romance mainly by middle-class writers, including a number of female authors.33 While sympathetic to the hardships of the workers, the narrative perspective was usually

in Disability in industrial Britain
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Migration research and the media

Forum Salon in London (in which Hannah and Kirsten participated), Ian Dunt (journalist and editor of the blog politics.co.uk ) argued that ‘politicians, journalists and decision makers still tend to be middle class white men who will identify more with “people like them”’ (Jones, 2015 ). Dunt suggested that advocates for the rights of migrants and asylum seekers should choose human interest stories involving people the British

in Go home?

 – represented by the central powers. It appears that volunteer nurses were more likely to use these old romantic literary tropes than their trained professional colleagues.5 This may be because they, like their middle- and upper-class brothers, were steeped in the highly romantic literary canon of the day. It may also be that their motives for nursing the wounded had more to do with their desire more to be a part of the ‘great struggle’ of war than with any wish to develop their expertise as nurses.6 Notes 1 Anne Summers, Angels and Citizens:  British Women as Military Nurses

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
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been able to mobilise the funds or municipal support to build a proper clubhouse, which forces spectators to stand, bring their own seating, lean on trees, or sit on the grass, something that many older, middle-class, Afro-Caribbean women find uncomfortable. A clubhouse might make the space more inviting for women who are concerned about staying warm and dry while they watch the games and socialise. On the surface

in Sport in the Black Atlantic
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The autonomous life?

details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle-class norms. In the examination of this question, I repeatedly revisit questions of performance and habitus. I use the term performance for self-conscious behavior exhibited by activists with a range of audiences in mind, which include a number of characteristics. First, I argue, they should display a

in The autonomous life?

‘faithful’ into ‘correct’ ways of thought. ancien régime The political and social order that existed in France before the Revolution of 1789 Marxism and economic/class factors By the middle years of the nineteenth century industrialisation was transforming the economies, societies and the belief systems of the Western world. A new way of thinking about society

in Understanding political ideas and movements

, Narrative, Authority, and Power: The Medieval Exemplum and the Chaucerian Tradition (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 111–12. S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Later Middle Ages: Class, Status and Gender (Basingstoke, 1995), p. 198. Henry Vandelinde, ‘Sir Gowther: saintly knight and knightly saint’, Neophilologus, 80 (1996), 139–47 (pp. 139–40). Vandelinde’s elaboration of the hypothesis lacks nuance. On the problems posed by multiple versions of the romances, see A. S. G. Edwards, ‘Middle English romance: the limits of editing, the limits of criticism’, in Tim W. Machan (ed

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Sarah Orne Jewett, The Tory Lover, and Walter Scott, Waverley

-modernist, upper-class antiquarian aesthetic movement of the period), twentieth-century commentators have noted the novels’ racist, elitist and jingoistic values: a sense of AngloSaxon lineage, distaste for foreigners (the English, however, are figured as ‘family’) and contempt for the lower classes (especially when disputing with their ‘superiors’), love of fine houses and nostalgia for a lost wholeness. They reflect, as Amy Kaplan argues in a survey of all kinds of historical romance of this period, a culture ‘in the process of redefining white middle-class masculinity from a

in Special relationships

left in the 1970s; the talented mobilisation of prejudice by Jean-Marie Le Pen during the 1980s and 1990s. Finally, analysis of party system evolution must also incorporate a third series of explanations based on social change: these vary from neo-Marxist arguments relating to the emergence of the social class as the salient electoral cleavage, giving a sociological underpinning to left–right bipolarisation, to sociological analysis pinpointing the emergence of the ‘new middle classes’ as the central groups in post-war French society, favouring the emergence of broad

in The French party system