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1960s. That committee focused largely on the needs of families, arguing that family homes have to cater for a way of life that is much more complex than in smaller households. They have to accommodate individual and different group interests and activities involving any number
creates a limitation for a more inclusive planning process. In other words, urbanity as the eminent and rurality as backward are accentuated, while spatial differences between towns and country lessen due to the mix of urbanisation and industrialisation. In his spatial analysis from the 1960s of industrialisation and urbanisation, Lefebvre ( 1996 , p. 123) describes that access to
eat, drink and move about only when other members of the community were asleep. The social organisation of the animals showed equal disruption.’ For those involved in city planning in the US in the 1960s and 1970s, the stress responses to overcrowding in rats had obvious lessons for humans, and this generated a fierce debate about the effects of urban density. These questions were taken up by a large interdisciplinary group in the US containing many leading social scientists and urbanists, the Committee on Physical and Social Environmental Variables as
be reached (Ashley, 2000). For a group of sociologists writing in the 1960s, the master concept of industrialisation captured the dynamics of transformation in a form that effectively enabled social change to be ordered and mastered. Industrial capitalism, with its inherent contradictions, was viewed as a temporary and transitory form of industrial society. The processes of industrialisation and technological advance defined all economic and social organisation, ultimately leading all societies passively to a convergent system of ‘pluralistic industrialism’ (Kerr
of commercial actors). Hence, civil society might play an important role as the glue that to some extent binds the local community together. In recent decades, however, there have been significant changes in the rural areas of Denmark, which has also highlighted the role and importance of civil society. Up until the 1950s and 1960s, rural areas were strongly dominated by
1960s (Keith, 2019 ). For Guyer, an unintended consequence of the forms of neoclassical economics reason deployed in late twentieth-century Africa shifted mainstream economics thinking from a conventional taxonomic distinction between the short term and the long term to a privileging of the importance of the long term and diminution of short-term considerations. She then highlighted how this shift complements and mirrors a framing of fundamentalist Christianity which privileges the millennial and rewards in the hereafter over the contemporary moment. Both monetarism
value in situations of cardiac arrest. For many decades defibrillation was used only in hospital, and while some mobile devices were trialled as early as the 1960s in Belfast, it was only in the 1990s in the more affluent parts of the globe that defibrillators were installed in ambulances. And only in the last decade has technological innovation created devices that are cheap enough to be considered for wider use and rapidly proliferated across multiple locations in cities of much of the globe. The reason for this was the combination and trade-offs of city speeds: the
institutional rooting, and slips down an economic platform open to mediations that encourage the conversion of slave-property into an intensely exploited work force-commodity, in environments that lack economic, social, civil and political rights, and that are marked by the predominance of racist, authoritarian and hierarchical (whether patrimonial or class-led) cultural formations. One should remember that (limited) labour guarantees were applied only in the 1960s – and came at the same time as the political repression imposed by the dictatorship and by oligarchic violence