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offer European politics. In the context of the debate on the futures of European order, Blair’s construction of the Kosovo war may be seen as an illustration of Samuel Huntington’s scenario of some forthcoming ‘clash of civilisations’. 3 Was Blair not arguing that, while war has ceased to be a means of politics in the relations between Western states, the West’s relations with other
opinion has been happy to buy the product/story. What ‘Kosovo’ also offers is a template for academics, by which to test and taste a smorgasbord of new, often critical, ideas about European politics and security. Whereas some would label ‘Kosovo’ as politics-cum-war as usual, the vast majority (and certainly not a silent one, this time) seems to share the view that this event stands for ‘something different’. NATO’s war over
the political unit: the sovereign state. But, unfortunately for realists’ peace of mind, the contemporary European political theatre does not follow the established script of security– sovereignty written by political realism. Offhand and ad lib performances by other (f )actors have turned this European stage in a politically surreal territory in which the ontological givens of modernity have become
’s Yugoslavia illustrates for us the ultimate consequences of a national doctrine that rejects everything and anyone which and who does not belong to that nation. However, before we reject this as unfamiliar, we should remember that this was a creative part of the European political order for 200 years. It is pathos in the war in Kosovo. The old has no possibility of victory. As Karl Otto Hondrich stated in
that process elevates religion to an issue of security, and that compels us to put it on our agenda in the study of IR. 2 Despite September 11 the main security threat of the Islamists is related to domestic order. This explains why Arab governments themselves feel threatened by Islamism and why, therefore, Islamists encounter hostility in their own countries and therefore seek political asylum in Europe
2011). Mavrogordatos, G., 2003. ‘Orthodoxy and Nationalism in the Greek Case’, Western European Politics 26(1): 117–36. Parsanoglou, D., 2007. “Migrant Mobility in the Greek Socio-Historical Formation”, in C. Zoras and Ph. Bantimaroudis (eds), Social Sciences Today. 1st Congress of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Aegean University , Athens and
Bridges’, Space and Polity 6(2): 141–6. Wæver, O., 2005. ‘European Integration and Security: Analysing French and German Discourses on State, Nation, and Europe’, in D. Howarth and J. Torfing, eds, Discourse Theory in European Politics: Identity, Policy and Governance , Houndmills/New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Wæver, O., 2009. ‘Discursive Approaches
measured only in decades, and were usually not the result of warfare, but rather had their territory and boundaries drawn by inter-European politics, European strategic necessities, or European economic considerations. 5 The ‘security dilemma’, the result of the anarchic nature of the international system, was how realists