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German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

migrants from the Sea-Watch 3 ( Longhin, 2019 ). 15 On the history of the DGzRS, see Anders et al. (1997) and Claußen (2015) . 16 On the sinking of the Johanna , see Schramm (2009) . 17 Arguably, the idea of Europe was also challenged by the Eurozone countries’ response to the Greek debt crisis, and the German Willkommenskultur was also a reaction to the reputational damage perceived by Germans as a result of Germany’s role in that response (see Neumann, 2016 ). 18 An article in the online edition of the Bremen daily Weser

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Arantza Gomez Arana

before a new attempt could be broached. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the relaunch of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe was recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak eurozone, while the international crisis had not had that much of an effect in Latin America. However, in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups and individual

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Neil McNaughton

broadsheet newspapers take a more measured view. Traditional Conservative-supporting papers like the Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Express have argued against further integration, while the others, such as the Times, Independent and Guardian have tended take a more detached view, printing both sides of the case and refusing to make a firm commitment either way. In the referendum to come, they will probably have to come off the fence. In 2002 it seemed likely that most of the broadsheets are likely to favour entry into the euro-zone. Britain and the European Union 261

in Understanding British and European political issues
Towards a union or not?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

states. After a strong start, the new currency weakened successively against the US dollar and other currencies in 2000 and 2001 – helping exports but also adding to inflation – before firming again in 2002 and early 2003, though in a more difficult economic climate of slower growth in the euro-zone. It was clear that the EU had now taken a major step towards economic and political integration, begging the question to what extent formal political unification would follow that in the monetary field. What is meant by a ‘union’? Since the European Union is, at present

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

size of the euro-zone will create a bigger and more stable world currency – indeed it will become the dominant world currency, replacing the dollar in that position. European Union issues ● 241 In terms of geopolitics, Europe will become a major world power (provided it succeeds in being able to develop a common position of foreign policy). This may bring benefits in terms of trade and stability. Potential problems The effects of enlargement are not all one-sided. It is recognised that many problems will emerge. Most European politicians believe that the balance

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
The Debt–Growth–Inequality Nexus
Tim Di Muzio
and
Richard H. Robbins

; Reinhart and Rogoff 2009). Indeed, the current crisis in the Eurozone is attributable to fears of default related to the prospects for economic growth in some European countries. Without perpetual and exponential growth, in other words, a debtbased monetary system cannot be sustained; furthermore, the rate of growth experienced over the past three centuries could not have been maintained without the fortuitous availability of affordable energy, first in the form of coal and then in the form of oil and gas. In sum, we suggest that the ownership, production, and allocation

in Debt as Power
John Narayan

climate change. This is to be explained as the result of growing multipolarity and politicians privileging national over global interests. Habermas (2012) and Beck 124 John Dewey (2013) find the Eurozone crisis to be a political rather than economic problem, which stems from national and European elites perpetuating forms of ‘post-democratic bureaucratic rule’ and the lack of a European identity and public sphere amongst the citizens of European nation states. Bottom-up advocates such as Dryzek (2012) point to the inability of global civil society to achieve

in John Dewey
Maria Karamessini
and
Damian Grimshaw

one in three of the population (36 per cent). Since the eruption of the sovereign debt crisis in late 2009, Greek governments have been obliged to implement three Economic Adjustment Programmes (EAP), under the supervision of the Troika and currently the Quartet,2 as a prerequisite for the loans granted in 2010, 2012 and 2015 by Eurozone partners and the International Monetary Fund. Prior to 2012, Greece’s minimum wage was determined by national-level collective bargaining and was a core feature of its wage-setting system. In 2012 and 2013, the Greek government

in Making work more equal
Norman Flynn

1995 2000 2001 2002 2003 15.8 5.7 12.1 14.6 7.0 12.9 12.8 7.1 11.6 14.6 11.2 11.4 14.7 11.3 10.6 13.5 10.5 10.1 12.9 10.2 9.9 Revenue Statistics 1965–2003, OECD 2004a: p.19 reforms and fiscal policy towards the management of debt levels over the cycle. While not abandoning the pact, the new agreement weakened its impact, to the extent that the Governing Council of the European Central Bank expressed serious concern over the future sustainability of public finances in the eurozone. It was an important recognition that budget balances are subject to

in In search of social democracy