Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of
exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered
that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime:
the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was
begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time
the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the
Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create
a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the
remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party:
continuity, innovation and renewal
The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español –
PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left
during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two
prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero
(1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Francoregime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant political
force within Spain. Nevertheless, under the
Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing
Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins
. García-Paramio, ‘Nurses
for a new fatherland: gender and ideology in the health policies of the early
Francoregime in Spain (1938–1942)’, Women’s History Magazine, 68 (2012),
33–41 and A. Peters, ‘Nanna Conti: the Nazis’ Reichshebammenfuehrerin
(1841–1951)’, Women’s History Magazine, 65 (2011), 33–41.
37 A. Hardy and E. M. Tansy, ‘Medical enterprise and global response,
1945–2000’, in W. F. Bynum, A. Hardy, S. Jacyna, C. Lawrence and E. M.
Tansy, The Western Medical Tradition 1800 to 2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2006), p. 519.
38 M. Vaughan, Curing Their Ills
Nursing and medical records in the Imperial War in Ethiopia (1935–36)
Anna La Torre, Giancarlo Celeri Bellotti, and Cecilia Sironi
Ispettorato Superiore Generale Servizi Militari, L’organizzazione sanitaria e la
salute delle truppe, X.
19 Ispettorato Superiore Generale Servizi Militari, L’organizzazione sanitaria e la
salute delle truppe, XI.
20 Ispettorato Superiore Generale Servizi Militari, L’organizzazione sanitaria e la
salute delle truppe, XI.
21 M. E. Galiana-Sanchez, J. Bernabeu-Mestre and P. García-Paramio, ‘Nurses for
a new fatherland: gender and ideology in the health policies of the early Francoregime in Spain (1938–1942)’, Women’s History Magazine, 68 (2012), 33–41.
22 Grace Baxter
absence of these aspects
at the beginning of democracy, rigidity was attributed to the persistence of laws
and practices inherited from the Francoregime. The situation changed in 1987
Making work more equal
when, for the first time, the Labour Force Survey published information on
the level of temporary employment and estimated the temporary employment
rate at 17.7 per cent. Suddenly, Spain had gone from being a country with rigid
employment to being one of the most advanced countries in terms of the use of
flexible forms of employment.
The official explanation
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio
of the curiously and quite
expansively industrialised Spanish economy under the Francoregime had to be
transformed and renewed in the context of the industrial crisis of the 1970s
and 1980s – and how a system of social dialogue had to be constructed in
very politically challenging circumstances. Within this context, a form of social
dialogue – that somewhat broad term – and political exchange emerged that was
able to configure a relatively coordinated set of joint regulations and regulatory
processes in terms of employment conditions. Within this context there
regretted the ‘Government’s apparent
continuance of a traditionally Conservative Party policy of power
politics abroad’, and urged ‘a return to the Labour Party foreign policy
of support of Socialist and anti-Imperialist forces throughout the
world’.38 Criticism was made of the lack of change in Foreign Service
personnel; over the barriers of Jewish immigration to Palestine; of the
continued diplomatic relations with the Francoregime in Spain; and
over relations with the Soviet Union.39 All the critical resolutions
were either withdrawn before being voted upon, or, like
movement was formed in the context of the
active repression of the Basque culture and language by the Spanish state,
and of regional autonomy in general, under the Francoregime. Although
heavily factionalised and prone to divisions over tactics, the movement
shares a rationale of armed struggle with the Spanish state. ETA has carried
out kidnappings, assassinations and bombings. It has targeted individuals it
involved in regional politics in Galicia,
becoming the President of the region in 1990 (and re-elected to that post in
1993, 1997 and 2000). During the Francoregime he was a supporter of partial
liberalisation, both of the ruling party and of the regime. He removed
aspects of censorship of the press by legislation in 1966, for instance.
However, he was too closely linked to Franco’s regime to be a key
figure in the transition to