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Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Conversations about the past in Restoration and eighteenth-century England
Daniel Woolf

Walker, the quarrelsome Garter King of Arms, asserted to Samuel Pepys ‘that there was none of the families of princes in Christendom that do derive themselfs so high as Julius Caesar, nor so far by a thousand years, that can directly prove their rise’. 51 Disputed facts were sometimes the occasion of arguments, and by the early eighteenth century Richard Steele found it possible to satirize club-andcoffee-house wagers over history in a bet between two gentlemen, one a recognized authority on ancient sex scandals, ‘upon a point of history, to wit, that Caesar never lay

in The spoken word
Open Access (free)
Common right, parish relief and endowed charity in a forest economy, c. 1600–1800
Steve Hindle

). But now see also C. Harrison, ‘Fire on the Chase: rural riots in sixteenth-century Staffordshire’, in P. Morgan and A. D. M. Philips (eds), Staffordshire Histories: Essays in Honour of Michael Greenslade (Keele, Staffordshire Record Society, 19, 1999), pp. 97–126. 24 Norden’s ‘Proiect touching th’ Improving of Wasts, Coppising & Inclosing of some common Fields in Forests’ probably dates from c. 1609 and survives in a bound compilation of writings concerning the King’s woods and forests sent to and/or collected by Sir Julius Caesar: PRO LR2/194, fols 304–7v

in The poor in England 1700–1850
David Hume’s History of England
Ben Dew

-volume History of England under the House of Tudor.6 The project was completed with two further volumes, published in 1761 and 1762, covering the period from the Roman invasion to the Battle 170 COMMERCE, FINANCE AND STATECRAFT of Bosworth Field.7 The entire narrative was then republished as a single work later in 1762 under the title The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688.8 New editions, each containing significant revisions, followed in 1770, 1773 and 1778.9 Alongside the chronological coincidence between Hume’s writings on

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Jacopo Pili

: starting with an analysis of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, Pellizzi concluded that British culture was deeply conformist and considered faithfulness to one’s caste and monarchy the foundation of their national life; it therefore could not forgive Caesar’s rebellion against the Republic and his restructuring of the Roman social order. This rejection meant that ‘the same British Empire, even if founded on a Caesarean premise, denies it in its political mythology and hides it with its propaganda.’126 Still, in 1937, Riccardo Astuto, a former governor of Eritrea, wrote an

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy