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Adrian Hyde-Price

much traditional analysis of foreign policy has been grounded on realist assumptions about international anarchy and the state as ‘coherent units’ (Keohane and Nye 1977 : 24), there is a pressing need for conceptual and theoretical innovation in this field. New conceptual tools are particularly needed for analysing the external relations of the European Union, given its sui generis nature. Neo-realism offers little of value

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

developments in German security policy since 1989. The aim of this chapter, consequently, is to consider the concept of strategic culture in greater detail and to locate it within the field of security studies. Contending approaches Neo-realism and German normalisation As the Cold War came to a close, a frenzy of analysis on the future of German security policy emerged. Consideration of how German post-Cold War security policy might develop reflected a far broader and fundamental discussion, within the discipline of international Longhurst, Germany and the use of force

in Germany and the use of force
Raymond Hinnebusch

relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality. The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging

in The international politics of the Middle East
Juvenile actors and humanitarian sentiment in the 1940s
Michael Lawrence

“art,” are awash with the same trappings of sentimentality … that are often considered negative in “commercial” narrative films’. 38 Karl Schoonover has discussed the international reception of Italian neorealism in relation to ‘the emergence of a new visual politics of liberal compassion’ and argues that for both American and European commentators alike ‘an emergent realist aesthetic of cinema could build new vectors of post

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
The Marshall Plan films about Greece
Katerina Loukopoulou

). This was another facet of the ‘Greek exception’ (alongside it being the only post-Civil War European country to receive the MP aid), because most of the MP films about a specific country were directed by national filmmakers, sometimes building on the country’s cinematographic and documentary tradition, as in the cases of Italy (neorealism) and the UK (the British Documentary Movement). Many MP films

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

-state actors, but not regimes, while neo-realism downplays the influence and role of both regimes and non-state actors. Thus, Arts (2000) argues that relevant theories emphasise either regimes or non-state actors, or neither regimes nor non-state actors.3 A number of studies, however, show that non-state actors frequently make a difference in international cooperation.4 The roles of environmental nongovernmental organisations (ENGOs) and the scientific community have received increased attention, while the role of companies in international environmental politics has, until

in Climate change and the oil industry
Stuart Kaufman

peace-building programmes. While each side needs to adjust and accommodate to the other, the onus is on US and European officials to take the lead in encouraging, funding, coordinating and smoothing the way for the NGOs to do their work in places like Bosnia, Macedonia and Karabagh. Such a transformation does not presently seem to be in the offing. And that means that peace in all three regions will remain tenuous at best. Notes 1 Randall L. Schweller, ‘Neorealism’s Status Quo Bias: What Security Dilemma?’, Security Studies, 5:3 (1996), pp. 90–121. 2 A recent

in Limiting institutions?
Is the CFSP sui generis?
Jakob C. Øhrgaard

? It is clear from the above that CFSP presents a serious challenge to mainstream international relations theory. This challenge is two-fold. First, traditionally dominant strands of international relations theory, such as (neo)-realism or neo-liberal institutionalism, appear ill-equipped to account for some of the defining characteristics of CFSP. The traditional realist paradigm, with its emphasis on differing national

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Sequence and the rise of auteurism in 1950s Britain
Erik Hedling

and to judge its success in achieving that object. This does not mean accepting every film at its own valuation; it means allowing every film to justify itself by its own standards, not by our preconceptions’. 12 Anderson was thus advocating a basically aesthetic approach to the art of film. In a later article, ‘A Possible Solution’ (1948), Anderson was enthusiastic about Italian neorealism, the

in British cinema of the 1950s
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

Peace’, American Political Science Review, 96:1 (2002), pp. 1–14. Jervis, ‘Theories of War’, p. 8. On the last condition, see Randall L. Schweller, ‘Neorealism’s Status Quo Bias: What Security Dilemma?’, Security Studies, 5:3 (1996), pp. 90–121; and Mark W. Zacher, ‘The Territorial Integrity Norm: International Boundaries and the Use of Force’, International Organization, 55:2 (2001), pp. 215–50. Keohane, ‘Governance’. Ibid., p. 7. See James Sperling and Emil Kirchner, ‘The Security Architectures and Institutional Features of Post-1989 Europe’, Journal of European

in Limiting institutions?