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Prolonged Ebola Outbreak on Measles Elimination Activities in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone, 2014–2015 ’, Pan African Medical Journal , 35 : Suppl 1 , 8 , doi: 10.11604/pamj.supp.2020.35.1.19059 . 10.11604/pamj.supp.2020.35.1.19059 Morens , D. , Folkers , G. and Fauci , A. ( 2004
in 1959, his political passions were mobilised in the cause of Pan-Africanism. He was an intellectual formed deep in the vortex of the age of extremes, and for most of his life he espoused positions which others perceived to be both extreme and fanatical. His politics forced an abrupt separation from the modes of life which an aspiring colonial professional would have anticipated: his future
Lux , the London journal of the Christian Evidence Society; 3 that sharp critic of politics and imperial racism, the Jamaican doctor Theophilus Scholes; Henry Sylvester Williams who organised the first Pan-African Congress in London in 1900; and the medical doctors John Alcindor, James Jackson Brown and Harold Moody, all of whom had practices in London in the early part of the twentieth
we have been fighting for, let us use it to the full advantage’ – then Britain, with its blatant racism, demanded a more complicated and plural understanding of fights for freedom. 8 It was in this context, compelled by her growing awareness of Pan-African movements and the political urgency of contesting racial hierarchies, that Marson initiated the discourse on mutual liberation that is
years he gravitated to a firebrand variant of marxism, to Pan-Africanism, and to a much deeper understanding of what was required to break the power of colonial authority. In part, this shift in allegiance was abetted by his reacquaintance with his old childhood friend, George Padmore, who was instrumental in piecing together a new conception of anti-colonialism, in which the historical resources of
important injection of new blood and progressive thinking. This occurred especially through selling the idea of a Pan-African dimension and by bringing in the Organisation of African Unity (even if north Africa was excluded since it was embarking on separate accords with the Community). A particular task allotted to Foley was 140 EUD8 10/28/03 3:16 PM Page 141 The Commission and development policy selling the idea to the Nigerians, who had been suspicious, and the Pan-African ticket was one of his means. It was no longer simply something for former colonies, even if
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
challenge it presented to the critical paradigm of the ‘empire writes back to the centre’. Rather than being reduced to a response to imperial metropolitan power, colonised and postcolonial cultures could now be understood as dialogues with other (formerly) colonised and diasporic cultures. These multiple axes have long been recognised, and analysed, within political traditions of Third World internationalism, pan-Africanism, socialism (to name a few), and within disciplines other than literary and cultural studies.24 But they were most welcome within postcolonial studies
connection to Du Bois, I suggest that the very timing of Plaatje’s intertextual involvement expresses a subtle if radical pan-Africanism. Native Life was written in 1916, while Plaatje was part of an ANC delegation in England, petitioning the British government to repeal the unjust Natives Land Act. Plaatje, that is, was officiating as a political representative of the ANC, performing the role of constitutional liberal nationalist whose political validation and ideology centred on England. It is at this highly English moment that he chooses to write a text that engages
And it is also to be found in Said’s Culture and Imperialism classification of ‘decolonising discourses’ as a progression from nativist through nationalist to liberationist theory.11 Rebutting Said, Parry points out that Not only are the stages less disjunct than the periodisation suggests – messianic movements and Pan-Africanism were utopian in their goals, Nkrumah’s nationalism was not exclusively Africanist, acknowledging as it did the recombinant qualities of a culture which had developed through assimilating Arabic and western features, and so on – but the