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Competing claims to national identity
Alex J. Bellamy

deployed in the present for contemporary political goals’.4 Campbell understood contemporary Croatian national identity as a tool deployed by the HDZ to secure particular political goals. This approach unwittingly colludes with one of the central myths of Franjoism: the idea that Tuœman/HDZ and the Croatian nation were one and the same. To argue that Croatian national identity was produced by political manipulation is to reject the possibility of alternative understandings and practices of national identity. It is to accept the Franjoist claim that the Croatian nation

in The formation of Croatian national identity
K. Healan Gaston

Royal, 1492 and All That: Political Manipulations of History (Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1992). 28 Wilfred M. McClay, ‘Religion in Post-Secular America’, in Martin Halliwell and Catherine Morley (eds), American Thought and Culture in the 21st Century (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008), pp. 127–8. 29 Ibid., p. 128. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., pp. 139, 134

in Post-everything
Gender, sexual difference and knowledge in Bacon’s New Atlantis
Kate Aughterson

difference as central organising metaphors in his utopian discourse. Joabin’s commentary on European habits reads like a protestant sermon on marriage,35 whose ideals are only realised in Bensalem. In Joabin’s description, European practice is represented as the opposite to Bensalem’s ideal, in its economic and political manipulation of marriage, its use of courtesans, ‘delight in meretricious embracements’, adultery, ‘deflowering of virgins’, and ‘masculine love’ (477). The objects of Bacon’s critique uncannily echo those voiced by feminists, in particular the double

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
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‘Numbers games’ and ‘holocausts’ at Jasenovac and Bleiburg
David Bruce MacDonald

perpetuated the story of a high number of deaths, continuing the theme that Serbs were victims of are of the worst genocides in the Second World War, with only the Jews and the Russians ahead of them. These high numbers were advanced to prove Ustaša evil during the war. They were also designed to reduce the level of Serbian guilt and complicity. Dušan Bataković gave perhaps the most honest reason why promoting a figure of 700,000 was central to the Serbian cause, writing: [T]he number of Serbian victims has, over numerous decades become the object of political

in Balkan holocausts?
Arthur B. Gunlicks

:55 am Page 226 The Länder and German federalism Parliamentary control of finances is limited, as in most other parliamentary bodies, by the large proportion of expenditures that are fixed by law and not subject to political manipulation. In practice joint task expenditures made under Article 91a and 91b or Article 104a, para. 4, of the Basic Law are also not subject to revision by the Land parliamentary majorities because of their reluctance to refuse federal matching funds or reject actions of their own government. On the other hand, the deputies do receive

in The Länder and German federalism
DSI approaches and behaviours
Jenny H. Peterson

aims of positive transformation insofar as they encourage political manipulation, create resistance to reforms and may push some actors further towards the informal and illicit sectors. Of the four potential impacts of ideology on transformation, it is this final hypothetical that requires the least reassessment. While there was a general acceptance of the alternative and historically grounded manner in which Kosovo organises itself and operates, there appeared a general consensus that this would, and should, change with time, and that given the right tools it would

in Building a peace economy?
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Art as the ‘organ of philosophy’
Andrew Bowie

aesthetic spheres as precisely what enables the scientific, legal and artistic advances characteristic of modernity. Conflating validity claims from the different spheres leads in his view to the kind of irrationality characteristic of feudalism, which the Enlightenment justifiably sought to overcome. The spheres are also conflated in fascism, where criteria of public accountability become randomly decisionistic and aesthetic means are used in political manipulation. At the same time, as we saw in Chapter 2, Habermas is aware of a need to establish a more productive interplay

in Aesthetics and subjectivity