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11 Reconciliation after ethnic cleansing: witnessing, retribution and domestic reform John Borneman conditions that might make possible reconciliation after ethnic cleansing? This chapter addresses reconciliation in light of specific ethnic cleansings and ‘ethnicisations’, with a focus on the most recent example in Bosnia. It neither elaborates a specific case nor makes specific historical–cultural comparisons. The potential contribution is theoretical, specifying psycho-social terms and processes integral to reconciliation after violent conflicts. The
Representations of Rwanda have been shaped by the display of bodies and bones at Tutsi genocide memorial sites. This phenomenon is most often only studied from the perspective of moral dimensions. This article aims in contrast to cover the issues related to the treatment of human remains in Rwanda for commemorative purposes from a historical perspective. To this end, it is based on the archives of the commissions in charge of genocide memory in Rwanda, as well as interviews with key memorial actors. This study shows the evolution of memorial practices since 1994 and the hypermateriality of bodies in their use as symbols, as well as their demobilisation for the purposes of reconciliation policies.
gacaca process. This will be the entry point to subsume disparate dynamics and features of the gacaca practice. 2 The truth is an elusive and multidimensional concept. In the report of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission four notions of truth are identified ( TRC-SA, 1998 : 110–17). The forensic truth entails answers to the basic questions of who, where, when, how and against whom and possibly the context, causes and patterns of violations. Other dimensions of the truth – narrative, social and restorative – go beyond this factual delineation
Federation. In fact, the idea of reconciliation had been central in the peace negotiation between Biafra and Nigeria even before the end of the war. People expressed concerns as to whether Biafrans would still be accepted back into the Federation as citizens with full rights. Biafrans, with the fear of genocide also wondered what their fate in the future Federation of Nigeria would be. When the war ended and there was no victor, no vanquished, everybody was happy. Then the Federal
Reconciliation in Post-Genocide Rwanda ’, Social Anthropology , 27 : 3 , 531 – 46 . Espeland , W. ( 2015 ), ‘ Narrating numbers ’, in R. Rottenburg , S. E. Merry , S. J. Park and
authority and show firmness. The préfet ordered the arrest of the perpetrators. Eighteen people were arrested and imprisoned in the Gueckedou gendarmerie. While they awaited trial and possible transfer to Conakry, the revolt and defiant attitudes in the villages was exacerbated. Finally, Sylvain Landry B. Faye was brought in by the WHO to facilitate a community mediation process that would lead to reconciliation and enable community mobilisation
This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
with the decision to create a Conciliation Commission, point to a crucial notion, which would assume increasing importance for the UN’s peacekeeping agenda, namely national (re)conciliation. During the Congo episode, the UN gradually began to define its role as a comprehensive conciliator. A growing number of states endorsed, implicitly or explicitly, an unprecedented role for the UN, that is, creating
new situation also offered a unique opportunity for reconciliation and budding co-operation especially between Germany and France, whose rivalry had underlain both world wars. The Marshall Plan launched by the United States in 1948 kick-started economic recovery and co-operation in Western Europe, permitting democracy and a market economy to take hold. In Central and Eastern Europe, however, the Soviet political grip hardened and communist regimes posing as ‘people’s democracies’ were installed, emphasising state ownership of the means of production and central
Introduction This chapter will discuss the legacy of the Obama administration of 2009–17 for US–Japan relations. It will highlight elements of change and continuity that characterised the Obama years in the realms of security and economic policy, as well as the significance of historical memory and the processes of reconciliation between the two countries. It will also discuss policy shifts promoted by the administration of President Donald Trump at around the halfway mark of his 2017–21 presidential term in office. The Trump presidency, it is argued, has