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Introduction ‘Financial inclusion’ has become the cause du jour for several humanitarian players in the forced migration space. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR) 2018 Global Compact on Refugees called for financial inclusion as a means to support ‘self-reliance’, which they define as ‘the social and economic ability of an individual, household or community to meet essential needs in a sustainable manner and with dignity
comparatively higher incidence of intimate partner violence (IPV) and marital rape in camps than rape outside marriage. The reality that the displacement process is not linear, leading more people to be trapped in protracted displacement without any clear end in sight, exacerbates the threat of GBV to women, children, and even men. 1 The displacement confronted by millions of South Sudanese refugees illustrates one of the inevitable consequences of colonialisation (i.e. refugee
opportunities around the world. Digital labour platforms and the online gig economy now promise access to work for anyone with an internet connection, a computer and the right skillset. Inspired by this promise, governments, civil society, social enterprises and international organisations in the humanitarian and development sectors, including the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Norwegian Refugee Council
increasingly more present in contexts of forced displacement, with digital inclusion of refugees being framed by humanitarian agencies as a fundamental human right and an essential tool to promote access to income and skills development ( UNHCR, 2016 ). The deployment of digital technologies has been consistently emphasised by government and humanitarian organisations as crucial to fostering refugees’ self-reliance, entrepreneurship and well-being, as well as to implementing innovative solutions
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
Introduction With the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) having run a deficit almost since the start of its operations in 1950, the US’s decision – as UNRWA’s erstwhile primary funder – to cut its financial support for the Agency is having a significant impact both on UNRWA and over five million Palestinian refugees living across UNRWA’s five areas of operation in the Middle East: Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Gaza and the West Bank. This article explores UNRWA’s responses to this dramatic cut in funding; more
shelter from the rain. I saw a white modernist building lit up in the dark, tucked away in a far corner of the Giardini. I ran to take cover. It featured an exhibit called Places for People : a sparse but simply furnished demonstration of real interventions rather than idealistic projections, describing three projects that had worked with refugees to make modest but important improvements to their emergency shelters. The ideas were a refreshing change from the rest of the
7 Dalia Abdelhady Media constructions of the refugee crisis in Sweden: institutions and the challenges of refugee governance In an article entitled ‘The Death of the Most Generous Nation on Earth’, American journalist James Traub (2016) claims that ‘The vast migration of desperate souls from Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere has posed a moral test the likes of which Europe has not faced since the Nazis forced millions from their homes in search of refuge. Europe has failed that test.’ Sweden stands out as an exception in Traub’s analysis due to the country’s generous
the rapid influx of people, the Jordanian government opened Za’atari refugee camp in late July 2012, with support from the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organisation, United Nations agencies and other partners. 3 In the harsh conditions of Jordan’s northern desert, Za’atari rapidly became a massive aid operation and at the same time the media face of not only the refugee crisis in Jordan but across the
Women Refugees and Livelihood Barriers The coronavirus pandemic has had a damaging impact on the livelihoods of women globally and a disproportionate effect on refugees compared to their host populations ( Clingain et al. , 2021 ; Dempster et al. , 2020 ). Women refugees already disadvantaged by virtue of their social status and other legal, social and logistical barriers have been hit hardest by the devastating effects