smugglers controlling the migrant trade. ( Hopkins, 2017 )
For evidence of this claim, Hopkins repeated the details of both the incident
mentioned by the December 2016 confidential Frontex report, and copy-pasted
directly, maps and graphs included, from the report by Gefira (2016a) about the October 2016 rescue. She then
turned to themes of criminality, terrorism and the threat of swamping:
Capitalism ( London and New York :
Verso . Original edition ,
BOND ( 2003 ), Joint statement by
members of the International Global Security and Development Network on the Development
Assistance Committee (DAC), ‘A Development Co-operations Lens on Terrorism Prevention:
Key Entry Points for Action’ ( London :
British Overseas NGOs for Development
R. ( 2013 ), The
Posthuman ( Cambridge : Polity
R. ( 2006
, they have been under constant and targeted attack as part of the weaponisation strategy of the GoS ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). During the peaceful uprising, anyone found to be assisting wounded demonstrators or activists was prosecuted, tortured and sometimes killed. In 2012 the GoS effectively criminalised medical neutrality through anti-terrorism legislation that allowed prosecution of those treating demonstrators injured by government forces ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). Doctors working in government hospitals were forced to misfile the cause of death of bodies of
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
some are more political – including direct
interference, minders, intimidation of field teams, limiting or prohibiting
access, creating real and imagined security obstacles and bureaucratic
These come from several sources: governments who do not want the depth of a
crisis to be exposed, donors who do not wish to investigate deeply the impact of
counter-terrorism restrictions or who expect to see ‘results’ from
, A. , Rutayisire , T. , Sewimfura , T. and Ngendahayo , E. ( 2010 ), ‘Psychotrauma, Healing and Reconciliation in Rwanda: The Contribution of Community-based Sociotherapy’ , African Journal of Traumatic Stress , 1 : 2 , 55 – 63 .
Ross , F. C. ( 2003 ), Bearing Witness: Women and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa ( London : Pluto Press ).
Rukebesha , A. ( 1985 ), Esotérisme et communication sociale ( Kigali : Editions Printer Set ).
Staub , E. ( 2011 ), Overcoming Evil: Genocide, Violent Conflict and Terrorism
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
’, in Satterthwaite ,
M. L. and
Huckerby , J.
C. (eds), Gender,
National Security and Counter-Terrorism – Human Rights
Perspectives ( London :
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15 – 35 .
Z. et al.
( 2018 ), Caring for Boys Affected by Sexual
and money laundering
and thus currently contribute to the transformation of war economies
through the tracking and investigation of illegal financial transactions
(Winer, 2005; Winer and Roule, 2003).
Multiple international security bodies are also involved in the tracking
and investigation of the illicit side of war economies. Many of these bodies
have been set up to deal specifically with the global drug trade, transnational
organised crime or global terrorism, but due to the connections between these
activities and many war economies, have been or could
‘my government let me stay for two years and then they said they wanted me
home and I said I can’t because I’m in the middle of a terrorism trial, I want to finish it, and they said, fine, but you’re going to have to give up your job [back
home], so I had to quit’ (I48).
The impact of forced or voluntary short-term commitments is threefold.
First is the problem of recruitment. It is already difficult to get qualified judges
and lawyers to leave their homes, families and jobs to come to a conflictaffected zone. Such difficulties are made worse by expecting
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
global governance missionaries’ (Hozic, 2006: 244).
Customs is also seen as a way of preventing the spread of organised crime to
Western Europe (Bruggman, 2001) and is further seen as another check
against the threat of terrorism in the post-9/11 world (Chaflin, 2006;
Heyman, 2004; Megoran, Raballand and Bouyjou, 2005; Walsh, 2006).
However, customs assistance has not always had the desired effect and besides
not bringing the expected economic benefits (Bartlett and Samardzˇija, 2000),
the agenda of installing a modern customs agency based on neo-liberal
Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.