The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order,
with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and
tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of
Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto
legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social
forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While
conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of
oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a
new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure,
remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the
criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the
judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the
detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well
as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in
this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and
administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the
dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the
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smugglers controlling the migrant trade. ( Hopkins, 2017 )
For evidence of this claim, Hopkins repeated the details of both the incident
mentioned by the December 2016 confidential Frontex report, and copy-pasted
directly, maps and graphs included, from the report by Gefira (2016a) about the October 2016 rescue. She then
turned to themes of criminality, terrorism and the threat of swamping:
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, they have been under constant and targeted attack as part of the weaponisation strategy of the GoS ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). During the peaceful uprising, anyone found to be assisting wounded demonstrators or activists was prosecuted, tortured and sometimes killed. In 2012 the GoS effectively criminalised medical neutrality through anti-terrorism legislation that allowed prosecution of those treating demonstrators injured by government forces ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). Doctors working in government hospitals were forced to misfile the cause of death of bodies of
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
some are more political – including direct
interference, minders, intimidation of field teams, limiting or prohibiting
access, creating real and imagined security obstacles and bureaucratic
These come from several sources: governments who do not want the depth of a
crisis to be exposed, donors who do not wish to investigate deeply the impact of
counter-terrorism restrictions or who expect to see ‘results’ from
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Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
’, in Satterthwaite ,
M. L. and
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15 – 35 .
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