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Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
Stephen Driver

commitments to social justice, because labour force attachment strategies reinforce labour market divisions, especially for the low-paid. 20 In the UK, the USA and elsewhere, the ‘welfare state’ is giving way to the ‘workfare state’. Any possibility of the Labour Government delivering on the traditional objectives of the Left has been lost. Is ‘work first’ making it

in The Third Way and beyond
Tony Fitzpatrick

strategies adopted and the institutional background at work. Indeed, Chapter 4 will suggest that ‘old’ social democracy is far from dead, precisely because there is far more heterogeneity than accounts of the investment state, or the competition state, or the workfare state, or whatever, normally allow for. Even so, I neither want to underestimate the degree of state convergence that globalisation implies and the ‘security state’ is a working hypothesis that I apply to the UK and USA, two countries in which the NSD has arguably been most influential. Second, however, this

in After the new social democracy
Armando Barrientos and Martin Powell

. In conclusion, Green-Pedersen et al . 89 stated that the policy elements in the Netherlands closely match those outlined in the Blair–Schröder document. To some extent, the Netherlands has been practising the ‘Third Way’ for some years. Finally, Sweden has long been at the forefront of left-of-centre thinking in labour market policy: ‘workfare

in The Third Way and beyond
Dimitris Tsarouhas

employment constituted the main campaign issue was unable to avert defeat, handing over power to a resurgent centre-right coalition, the ‘Alliance for Sweden’. The new government was soon marred by controversy, and the initial honeymoon usually afforded by voters to incumbent governments vanished. The government’s main problem has been its welfare reform programme, not least its changes in the unemployment insurance scheme. Adopting a workfare approach to welfare and claiming to defend the welfare state, the government maintains that its reforms merely aim at making

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

there has always been some expectation that benefit claimants will work, hence the principle of social insurance. The distinction has become popular to disguise the fact that what is now called active welfare is little more than a synonym for workfare policies that often coerce and punish the victim. Economic efficacy is now supposedly gained by reforming the worker rather than reforming the market. The idea that the Old Left ignored the importance of duties is another caricature (Deacon, 2000: 15). In fact, the NSD merely updates the principle of ‘less eligibility

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

substantial continuities between the nineteenth-century minimalist state and the post-Victorian ‘penal–welfare’ state. He underlines the extent to which eugenics inspired the modern system of social security, so that the latter is the institutional embodiment of the genetic endowments we are assumed to possess. According to this interpretation, social policy prods the genetically unfit into labour colonies, workfare and social assistance schemes (King, 1999) and designs labour exchanges and social insurance systems for the genetically fit. Taken individually, none of the

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Lessons for the Conservatives?
Edward Ashbee

leading Conservatives were again prepared to look across the Atlantic. Iain Duncan Smith visited the US in early December 2001. His engagements included a meeting with George Pataki, governor of New York state. On his return, Duncan Smith commended Pataki’s efforts in reforming welfare provision through workfare whereby recipients work in return for public assistance. He also paid tribute to the Republican Party’s presidential campaign: Yet Bush turned the Clinton–Blair tide and a center right renaissance now crackles through the autumnal air in Washington. He did it by

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Phil Almond

forms of uneven development’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 10:1, 49–67. Jessop, B. (2004), Towards a Schumpetarian Workfare State? Preliminary Remarks on Post-Fordist Political Economy (Lancaster: University of Lancaster, originally 1993). Jessop, B. (2013), ‘Revisiting the regulation approach: Critical reflections on the contradictions, dilemmas, fixes and crisis dynamics of growth regimes’, Capital and Class, 37:1, 5–24. Kristensen, P. H., and Rocha, R. S. (2012), ‘New roles for the trade unions five lines of action for carving out a new governance regime

in Making work more equal
Towards a third way and back?
Hartwig Pautz

) ‘From the Keynesian welfare to the Schumpeterian workfare state’, Lancaster Regionalism Group, Working Paper 45, University of Lancaster. Kölbe, T. (1987) ‘Trade unionists, party activists and politicians: the struggle for power over party rules in the Labour Party and the West German SPD’, Comparative Politics, 19 (4). Lafontaine, O. and Schröder, G. (1998) (eds), Innovation für Deutschland (Göttingen: Steidl). Lafontaine, O. (1998) untitled contribution in O. Lafontaine and G. Schröder (eds), Innovation für Deutschland (Göttingen: Steidl). Lees, C. (2000) The Red

in In search of social democracy
Louise Amoore

). There is an underlying assumption that welfare and active labour market policies must be limited in order that there may be no disincentives to take on ‘flexible’ work: ‘To ensure that most participants are poor and to maintain incentives for workers to move on to regular work when it becomes available, programs should pay no more than the average wage for unskilled labor’ (World Bank, 2001: 156). This example, drawn from the World Bank’s ‘principles of successful workfare programmes’, demonstrates the market-centred logic of the flexibility discourse. Taken to its

in Globalisation contested