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Stuart Kaufman

trap helps to fill in one of the key missing pieces. Interethnic stalemates stay in place not only because of the dynamics between the two groups, but because of the dynamics within them. Once extremist leaders have used extremist ethnic symbols to gain and hold power, they often become captive to those symbols. Thus even if leaders recognise that continued ethnic confrontation may no longer be in their group’s interest, they may be unable to agree to a peace settlement because of the danger of being outflanked by even more extreme opposition figures who can use

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Catherine Baker

intersectionality, were drawing such connections even as I was writing this book. Yet the groundwork is older. Anikó Imre ( 2005 : 80) already argued in a 2005 chapter for the volume Postcolonial Whiteness that ‘white supremacy's function in the constitution of East European national identities is rooted much deeper than either these nations' official self-representations or the Western media portrayal of recent ethnic confrontations would suggest’; yet this unambiguous statement had little wider impact. 9 Today's scholarship – including research marginalised scholars would

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

far been put forward in this chapter. The reliance on popular militias to provide security, added to a sentiment that sees the state either as directly responsible for the situation or as not doing anything about it, illustrates the patterns in which resistance takes place. Even if this is seen, as the interviewee sees it, from the perspective of ideology and ethnic confrontation, the reflection illustrates the popular 135 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making perception that the FARDC is a menace, whereas the Mai Mai militias are the least-bad option

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making