United States, and China; but after Germany, Sweden may be said to be one of the countries where ideas on racial hygiene and positive and negative eugenics gained the strongest foothold, both scientifically and politically.
The marriage act of 1915
In this eventful period of cultural and political turbulence, a review of the incest legislation took place. This time the Swedish law-drafting committee worked in close cooperation with the other Nordic countries
Thomas D’haeninck, Jan Vandersmissen, Gita Deneckere, and Christophe Verbruggen
healthcare; social medicine became increasingly entangled with other
reformist movements. The third part deals with the further
development of social hygiene and the rise of eugenics, national
health protection and the improvement policies in the interwar
period. Finally, the fourth part re-evaluates the period after 1960
when national public health systems were strongly questioned, local
human behaviour. In the present ideological climate, this means that biotechnology might help to consolidate
the moral and market fundamentalisms of the Right (Knapp et al., 1996;
As such, this chapter takes issue with two recent interventions by
prominent authors of the Right, Charles Murray and Francis Fukayama.
After the new social democracy
The next section critiques Murray’s position and the chapter then proceeds to argue that in order to prevent the emergence of ‘laissez-faire
eugenics’, we must implement
This chapter analyses the principles of sustainability and attention of ecowelfare by studying the new genetics. It argues for a multidimensional conception of human nature where the maintenance of diversity through social solutions (rather than technological fixes) should be the priority. It discusses the positions of Charles Murray and Francis Fukayama on eugenics. This concludes that we should only be allowed to improve human well-being through biotechnology if we are also prepared to improve it through the implementation of policies based upon distributive justice and attention.
requires a specific legal provision; but it is easy enough
to make provision for more or less anything, and the mtDNA provision is
important because it appears to break the back of the principled prohibition
on human genetic engineering. From a certain perspective, there is little
difference between adding desirable genes to a zygote or embryo by mtDNA
transfer and adding other desirable genes by other methods.
The spectre of eugenics haunts the debate at this juncture, and the word
has been used to describe mitochondrial transfer in the media (Newman
2013). On the face
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
countries. Eugenics – a term coined by Francis Galton in his 1883 Inquiries into Human Faculty to describe a science ‘that focused on manipulating heredity or breeding to produce better people and on eliminating those considered biologically inferior’
– was one of the main tendencies before 1920 in Britain, partly due to concerns about colonial expansion. The Eugenics Education Society was formed in 1907, and the majority of its members were recruited from among middle-class professionals
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.