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This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
justify the monarchy and the empire well into the twentieth century. At the same time, as the coronation durbar demonstrates, these ritual practices, which were limited and unstable from their inception, were increasingly undermined, delegitimised, and challenged by emerging mythologies of belonging and identity politics. * * * Royal tourists, colonial subjects
that political debates today risk becoming (as they did in the early modern past) a peculiarly vicious form of identity politics played out on highly commercialised platforms, driven by a series of claims and counter-claims about whose stereotypes are true and whose false, whose are malign and whose benign. Given the contemporary format of the virtual public sphere, it may be the case that the dialectics of stereotyping identified in early modern England have set in with a vengeance. The growth of the participatory Web
disappeared. It was a very small set up, but at least it took the idea that there was not only a common interest but a common obligation that men had in terms of how they behave and treated the other sex. That connects with another concern about how activism is focused on particular social groups, some of which has to do with identity politics. One of the dangers is that we end up with a range of histories, which deal with one take on the social order, but lose sight of – not what unites people, but how those experiences or
-Marxist perspective. But the Yale critics they attacked saw their work as a response to the political questions of the time, especially around what might loosely be called identity politics. 68 They argued that the New Critics had cut off their work from the political ferment occurring in America in the 1960s. Thus, for them, the attentiveness to aporia and contradiction provided a means to invest their readings with the type of political meaning that they noted had engulfed American society. Deconstructive reading could challenge
Advice, Voluntary Action and Citizenship in England, 1890–1990 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2019) ; Sarah Chaney, ‘Am I a Researcher or a Self-Harmer? Mental Health, Objectivity and Identity Politics in History’, Social Theory & Health , vol. 18, no. 2 (2019), pp. 1–17 ; Jennifer Crane, Child Protection in England, 1960–2000: Expertise, Experience, and Emotion (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2018) . 28 Brown, Zavestoski, McCormick, Mayer, Morello-Frosch, and
in the UK. 60 There is perhaps no greater example of the intertwined relationship between the state, the NHS, and religion than that evidenced within the development of the NHS in Northern Ireland. Notably, Lawson’s reference to the NHS as a national religion is laden in that it was specific to England, 61 when indeed an NHS exists in all four nations in the UK. 62 Identity politics within the context of sectarian division had deep impacts on provision of healthcare, which was compounded by the geographical
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 35. 10 George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit From Identity Politics (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2006); Ross Chambers, ‘The Unexamined’, Minnesota Review , 47 (Fall 1996), 141–56. 11 Karyn D. McKinny
-Westernist conservative nationalist identity politics and a Westcentric progressivist liberalism, the ‘Indian’ provides a powerful aesthetic platform from which to perform nativist myths of national victimhood, Eastern European peripherality, and exceptionalism, as well as anti-communist political culture. Notes 1 Political lecture by Viktor Orbán at the Tusványos festival in Băile Tușnad (Romania) on 23 June 2016