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Open Access (free)
John Narayan

by social change. In this chapter, I aim to highlight how Dewey’s conception of creative democracy was also informed by what he took to be the global interdependence of the Great Society. This centres on how Dewey believed that creative democracy needed to be exercised not only within America, but also outside and between nation states and the various publics engendered and scattered across the globe by what we have come to call the First Great Globalization. To achieve this, the chapter will consist of three sections. The first section highlights the globalized

in John Dewey
James Thompson

of their show The Grandchildren of Hiroshima , and the other a drama workshop programme for Year 1 (five-year-old) primary schoolchildren called Speech Bubbles. The third example comes from a performance of Ruff (2013) by Peggy Shaw and directed by Lois Weaver. In my engagement with these examples, I demonstrate how arts practices can produce or strengthen important interdependent social relations between groups and communities. By foregrounding these relationships in performance these projects invite us to recognise the importance of interdependence within

in Performing care
Raymond Hinnebusch

While for much of the world globalisation is associated with growing interdependence and the spread of ‘zones of peace’, in the Middle East the decade of globalisation was ushered in by war, was marked by intrusive US hegemony, renewed economic dependency on the core and continuing insecurity, and ended with yet another round of war in 2001. In the early 1990s, prospects looked different to some observers: the end of the Cold War, the second Gulf War, and the advance of economic globalisation seemed to provide a unique

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Syrian displacement and care in contemporary Beirut
Ella Parry- Davies

image of depressed passivity’ because ‘the alternative is to portray refugees as […] angry, as active agents of change’ ( 2012 : 139). Though the postcards do at times show anger in the children, there is also agency in their performances of humour, affection and care. I suggest, then, that resistance and subversion are not the only means by which agency might be expressed. Recognising the varied conditions within which people can manifest ethical or political action points towards the social value of interdependence. 6 The children’s photographs are funny, tender

in Performing care
Open Access (free)
John Narayan

interdependence’ on an unprecedented complex and wide scale (LW2: 307). In industry, for example, the new corporations of 1920s America such as General Motors, Ford and General Electric did not just produce oligopolistic industries but had become vertically integrated entities. Such vertically integrated corporations and the widespread use of electricity, cheaper steel production, the chemical industry and the advent of the assembly line thus delivered mass industrial production.3 The move from an agrarian to such an advanced capitalist society had essentially brought about

in John Dewey
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

-Karabakh conflict was midwife to the different ways three post-Soviet entities organised their (recognised or unrecognised) statehood. This chapter deals with the interdependence of institutional weakness of states and the organisation of conflict. Institutional weakness of statehood is at the same time both cause and consequence of violent conflict. On the one hand the escalation of conflict into violence is connected with the local exploitation of organisational voids in the official Soviet institutions. On the other hand, reinstitutionalising non-violent conflict after war and forced

in Potentials of disorder
Responsive not strategic

This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. This monograph argues that the dominant explanations in the literature -- balancing the US, global aspirations, being an external federator, long-standing economic and cultural ties, economic interdependence, and the Europeanization of Spanish and Portuguese national foreign policies – fail to adequately explain the EU’s policy. In particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing extensive primary documents, this monograph argues that the major developments in the relationship -- the 1992 Inter-institutional Agreement and the 1995 Europe Mercosur Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement – were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. This means that rather than the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive.

Open Access (free)
Sven Rubenson, Amsalu Aklilu, Shiferaw Bekele, and Samuel Shiferaw 

The documents from 1883 are strongly dominated by correspondence between local rulers along the coast and in Danakil and the representatives of the Italian government. The most important documents are the treaties between Italy and Awsa and Italy and Shewa, clearly revealing the interdependence between the rulers of Shewa and the rulers of the Danakil, the basic issue being secure and free trade routes and Italian hegemony over other European interests. A number of letters from Emperor Yohannis to European rulers show the increasing Ethiopian impatience with continued European support for Egypt after its defeat in the wars of the 1870s, and an interesting letter demonstrates the Emperor’s concern over the growing cooperation between King Minīlik and the Italians.

in Colonial Powers and Ethiopian Frontiers 1880–1884
Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Design and material culture in Soviet Russia, 1960s–80s
Author: Yulia Karpova

The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913.

This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility. Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians, scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist regimes.