and weak state structures in Eurasia
Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been
beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people –
terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper
problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these
pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet
world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an
Expanding Gender Norms to Marriage Drivers Facing Boys and Men in South Sudan
Michelle Lokot, Lisa DiPangrazio, Dorcas Acen, Veronica Gatpan, and Ronald Apunyo
( 2020 ), ‘ Why Context Matters for Social Norms Interventions: The Case of Child Marriage in Cameroon ’, Global Public Health , 15 : 4 , 532 – 43 .
( 2006 ), ‘ Protecting Young Women from HIV/AIDS: The Case Against Child and Adolescent Marriage ’, International Family Planning Perspectives , 32 : 2 , 79 – 88 .
( 1998 ), The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and NationalIdentities in Conflict ( London : Zed Books ).
R. W. and
those institutions have had in
fostering security cooperation and mitigating conflict in Eurasia.
Part II examines a broad range of threats to Eurasian stability and the
European security order. Douglas Blum, in Chapter 2, investigates the
important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. Blum focuses on the potentially combustible mix of
contested nationalidentities and weak state structures that have emerged in
the successor states of the former Soviet Union
forge a common nationalidentity among their populations. Where the drive to bring state and nation into correspondence is obstructed, irredentist conflicts tend to destabilise regimes and foster inter-state conflict. Nowhere is the divergence of identity and state sharper than in the Middle East. There popular identification with many individual states has been contested by strong sub- and supra-state identities, diluting and limiting the mass loyalty to the state typical where it corresponds to a recognised nation (Ayoob 1995: 47–70; Hudson 1977: 33
Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
conflicts which remain far from any kind of sustainable solution, and none are completely dislocated from the dynamics of US–China relations. Taiwan is the most “existential”. China’s One China policy is a non-negotiable feature of its nationalidentity, and Washington’s commitment to defend the island should not be underestimated. The Obama presidency was an era of relative calm here, but during his campaign for the presidency Donald Trump openly challenged the One China policy by treating Taiwan as a bargaining chip and speaking to President Tsai Ing-wen, angering
off full-scale war is all the more notable.
Macedonian nationalism is a new phenomenon. In the early twentieth
century, there was no separate Slavic Macedonian identity; Macedonian
villagers defined their identity as either ‘Bulgarian’, ‘Serbian’ or even ‘Greek’
depending on the affiliation of the village priest.29 The separate Macedonian
nationalist mythology and nationalidentity are essentially a post-World
War II phenomenon, a product of Tito’s postwar nationality policy.
According to the Macedonian mythology, modern Macedonians are the
descendants of the
multilateral balancing of Russian influence and by signalling their nationalidentity preferences through the GUUAM group. Meanwhile, the growth of
American military engagement in Eurasia has the potential to transform
another multilateral institution – the SCO – into a mechanism for a renewed
Despite potential fissures arising from great power competition in the
region, the states of Eurasia share some important interests in multilateral
cooperation. Russia and China, as well as key medium-sized states such as
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan
within which their democratic institutions are imprisoned and their nationalidentity is diluted. The agenda could not be any
more parochial. For the citizens to accept a recycling of their cherished
nation-state within an ill-defined union of member-states, the European
institutions will have to do more in such areas as jobs, income distribution,
ageing populations and inadequately funded pension funds, immigration
flows, education, national cohesion, political leadership and much else. Not
‘as if’ but ‘what if’ the EU could save the nation-states, once again, from
case studies, such as
Ireland, Austria and Italy, and an emphasis on narratives of
reconstruction, productivity and nationalidentity. 14 The case of Greece and the
humanitarian narratives of the MP films at large have been underexplored
so far. By concentrating on the MP films about Greece, my aim is to
correlate their discourse of reconstruction with the narrative of
humanitarianism and to
state, which has varied from Ataturk’s authoritarian regime to today’s fragmented parliamentary system, explains little variation in its foreign policy.
Turkey’s state formation experience set it on a status quo, West-centric tangent. Ataturk’s successful war of independence against the Western designs on Anatolia imposed by the Treaty of Sèvres spared Turkey colonial subjugation and enabled establishment of a territorial state within boundaries that satisfied Turkish nationalidentity. The consequent eclipse of former alternative identities