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Rape and Marriage in Go Tell It on the Mountain

To consider how James Baldwin resisted racialized notions of sexuality in his first novel, Go Tell It on the Mountain, I employ a number of black feminist critics—including Saidiya Hartman, Patricia Williams, Hortense Spillers, and Patricia Hill Collins—to analyze three under-studied minor characters: Deborah, Esther, and Richard. Those three characters are best understood as figures of heterosexual nonconformity who articulate sophisticated and important critiques of rape and marriage in America at the turn of the twentieth century. Baldwin thus wrote subversive theories of race and sexuality into the margins of the novel, making its style inextricable from its politics. Baldwin’s use of marginal voices was a deft and intentional artistic choice that was emancipatory for his characters and that remains enduringly relevant to American sexual politics. In this particularly polarizing transition from the Obama era to the Donald J. Trump presidency, I revisit Baldwin’s ability to subtly translate political ideas across fault lines like race, nationality, and sex.

James Baldwin Review
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

War, a lot of people – hundreds of thousands – came to Switzerland seeking asylum. Many of them were later granted Swiss nationality. They were well integrated. Nothing like that has happened since in Switzerland. Those born after the mid 1990s – about half of the people working for SOS in Switzerland today – have never seen these supposedly ‘European principles’ in action. So for them, it’s more about defining the kind of society in which they actually want to live. Although Switzerland has always had an ambiguous and difficult relationship with

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

71 countries registering a reduction in political rights and civil liberties ( Freedom House, 2018 ). All of which puts the viability of global liberal institutions increasingly in doubt. This idea of a protected place where, regardless of one’s identity (ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender, sexuality, but also whether or not one is a dissident), one’s basic rights are secure is constitutively liberal. As fewer and fewer governments, and more and more people, view the existence of such a sanctuary within society as fanciful, illegitimate and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

2012, I organised one-day risk-analysis workshops during each of my visits (be it Colombia, Myanmar, Algeria, the Sahel or the Democratic Republic of Congo), with all of the team members – from the head of mission to support staff. I wanted to make sure the teams had a shared view of the context and of the risks taken by the organisation and by each of them, according to their individual profile (gender, nationality, ethnicity and position in the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

Napoleon III to request a concession in Algeria, came upon the battlefield and the dying, and the spectacle shocked the fervent evangelical (he was one of the founders of the Young Men’s Christian Association, later known as the YMCA). Dunant took an active part in organising first aid for the wounded, regardless of nationality, and later wrote a gripping account of the battle, celebrating the battlefield exploits of the combatants and depicting in unvarnished detail the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

individual profiles are exposed to different levels of risk according to, inter alia, age, ethnicity, gender, nationality and sexuality ( EISF, 2018 ). In some cases, as in the bombings of ICRC and UN headquarters in Iraq in 2003, aid agencies and their staff are specifically targeted, and this could explain singling staff out from the rest of the civilian population on a case-by-case basis. However, it is not evident that the category of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

multiethnic Dagestani society but do not allow the single Chechen nationality3 to aim for the unity of their own political elite necessary for the founding of an independent state? Why does the multi-ethnic, continuously in-fighting Dagestani elite nevertheless arrange a system of effective cooperation among themselves and seek close collaboration with Moscow, but the Chechen leaders, who belong to one nationality, are at odds with one another in the periods of peaceful independent development and unite only in times of direct opposition to Russia, exhibiting a monolithic and

in Potentials of disorder
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility

cultural autonomy, territorial integrity, and symbols of statehood; on the other hand it insisted on the supremacy of the central state and government and strove for a state of affairs where national separateness and ethnic identity would ultimately wither away’.3 The USSR’s adoption of an ‘ethno-territorial’ form of federalism was originally designed as a temporary measure, adopted to entice the nonRussian nationalities to join the union. But as Gleason notes, such a principle entailed a recognition of the ‘national statehood’ of the constituent republics.4 Under Soviet

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia

materialist awareness of, and concern with, (institutional, regional, professional, socio-economic) ‘locations’ in which postcoloniality is produced and circulated. Robert Young’s intervention here instead emphasises ethnic or national ‘origins’ of critics in isolation from, and at the expense of, such ‘locations’. Crucial to note here is the inconsistency, the doubleness of Young’s standards: he deems ethnicity to be most significant in Spivak’s case, but when it comes to Parry switches tack to emphasise the category of nationality. (I wonder what might have resulted had

in Postcolonial contraventions