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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

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creationism I usually avoided those issues. One reason why I originally enjoyed my work on societal and cultural issues in nanotechnology was because I thought there were no issues of origins and ontology in this area. There is no religious denomination that I know of that argues that atoms and molecules are unreal. But in 2007 Jamie Wetmore at Arizona State University showed me that there were indeed some issues of religious reactions to nanotechnology, and that they are important. I have circled back to questions of the sacred and the profane in science and technology

in Science and the politics of openness
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Verbal offences on the streets of Modena

as heretics are. It follows that although Inquisitors have no jurisdiction over Jews, like infidels in so far as they are such, they can be treated as heretics in certain cases.27 With this in mind, the association of Jews with the offence of bestemmia hereticale seems less radical, almost a natural ‘assimilation’ as Marina Caffiero suggests, allowing the inclusion of Jews in the Inquisition’s jurisdiction.28 The Inquisition published its own edict in July 1600, which called upon Modenese inhabitants to denounce to the Inquisition anyone who was heard profanely

in Jews on trial
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The change in mentality

concerning the supposed murder by the Jews of the child William of Norwich (1144), begins with the assumption that the Jews indeed need to kill a Christian child, because he had heard this from an apostate Jew, Theobald of Cambridge.19 The libel regarding Jewish desecration of the Host began in 1290 in Paris when an apostate Jew named Jean de Thilrode related the account, in the first person: a Parisian Jew named Jonathan purchased the sacred bread, the Host, from a Christian servant woman. Jonathan supposedly gathered the Jews together for the ceremony of profaning the

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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Keeping up appearances

, as social actors, differentiate between them. Such an analysis leads us to Emile Durkheim (2008) and his consideration of the separation between religious and profane life. As Durkheim argues: The religious and the profane life cannot coexist in the same unit of time. It is necessary to assign determined days or periods to the first from which all profane occupations are excluded. Thus feast days are born. There is no religion, and consequently, no society which has not known and practised this division of time into two distinct parts, alternating with one another

in A table for one
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The reception of Christianity not mysterious, 1696–1702

injunctions against profanity and debauchery.13 This drive for discipline was also advanced in the House of Commons. Reacting in particular to the explosion of irreligious works that were published as a consequence of the expiry of the Licensing Act in 1695, MPs devoted their energies to promoting legislation against blasphemy and profaneness.14 The proclamation issued in William’s name ‘for preventing and punishing immorality and profaneness’ attacked the ‘several wicked and profane persons [who] have presumed to print and publish several pernicious books and pamphlets

in Republican learning
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The historian and the male witch

perform magic. Monter argues that ‘the judges of Rouen inflicted such severe punishments on those shepherds … not because they were magicians, but because they profaned the eucharist, the body of Christ.’ 35 This particular statement concerns the reason for the unusual severity of the Rouen Parlement toward male witches, not the reason for their existence in the first place; however, shortly before he makes this comment

in Male witches in early modern Europe
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the international ecclesiastical scene has not been investigated to any significant degree. For instance, political histories of seventeenth-century France routinely refer to the political functions of the episcopate, whose members, like François Faure of Amiens, acted as local power brokers, governing forces and even royal ministers.22 They rarely enquire about the elastic twists that many of them required of their consciences in order to reconcile their profane responsibilities with their role as spiritual officers of the ecclesiastical realm. Similarly, over the

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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were convinced of the truth of Christianity and converted to the Christian religion as the result of undergoing some miraculous experience. This point is particularly emphasized in those Christian sources describing attempts by Jews to profane the Host, the sacred bread, with depictions of Jewish women or girls (or even children) who participated against their will in attempts by their terrible fathers to harm the Host, and through it Jesus and the Christian world. When, for example, the Host is placed in a pot full of boiling water, the Jewish woman sees the image

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
T.S. Eliot and Gothic hauntings in Waugh’s A Handful of Dust and Barnes’s Nightwood

Waugh and his Writing, London, Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1982, p. 119. ‘It was like a miracle, but before our very eyes, and almost in the drawing of a breath, the whole body crumbled into dust and passed from our sight.’ (Bram Stoker, Dracula, Harmondsworth, Penguin, [1897] 1993, p. 484.) See Diane Chisholm, ‘Obscene Modernism: Eros Noir and the Profane Illumination of Djuna Barnes’s Nightwood’, in American Literature, 69:1 Unreal cities and undead legacies 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 239 (March 1997) pp. 167–206, and Parsons

in Special relationships