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commodification of service provision. It still upholds a large public sector, but one increasingly permeated by market arrangements and a more commercial ethos. The Third Way prescribes for the State a major role in social life, but less as a direct provider than as purchaser and regulator. It would retain responsibility for guaranteeing access to services free at the point of delivery
evolved to ‘address real world changes in the realm of oil and gas. However, the current assemblage of working groups, task forces, expert groups and bodies outside the Council (e.g., [The Arctic Offshore Regulators Forum]) that all have involvement in oil and gas issues presents a coordination challenge to the Council’ (3). In other words, the Council had produced a multitude of well-founded, well-researched recommendations on oil and gas, but the sheer number of recommendations and actors involved in producing them limited their practical usage in national
for the State to exercise a degree of autonomy, over capitalists and workers alike, in order to ensure as best it can that all act in ways compatible with the logic of capitalist accumulation. The State is to be reconstructed as a regulator and a support for markets, as, left to themselves, they breed crisis and instability. The claim that ‘[t]hird way politics is not a continuation of
devolution in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The question arises, is this in any meaningful sense, other than Morrison’s, ‘socialism’? Certainly, there is a role for the state as regulator, enabler and deliverer of social guidance, but not as owner . Equality is proclaimed but it is the equality of the ‘level playing field’: that is, equality of opportunity rather than equality of outcome