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Author: Mike Huggins

This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

British society. The general acquiescence by followers of racing in its inequality and snobbery may have helped them acquiesce in society’s wider inequalities, ensuring that gentlemanliness remained embedded in normative models of Britishness. The popular and racing press, as we have seen, only rarely attacked racing’s ruling bodies. Crowds at race-meetings were shown as having a sense of 207 208 Horseracing and the British, 1919–39 tradition and history and as sharing in the delight of the Aga Khan, Lord Derby or the royal family at their successes. The doings of

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Charles V. Reed

the twentieth century. This chapter aims to understand how Victorian royals thought and talked about the empire through the lens of the royal tour. As a whole, the Victorian royal family was deeply and profoundly ambivalent about the British Empire. Victoria’s consort Prince Albert and her grandson George, the future George V, were the most important exception to this observation. After Albert’s demise

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Open Access (free)
The racecourse and racecourse life
Mike Huggins

other prestigious meetings. In the Enclosure one could see and be seen, and for favoured individuals the queen might sometimes send an equerry with a specially-worded invitation to join her. The Private Stand at Newmarket, where members of the Jockey Club had to sign and countersign guests, was also highly select. The royal family stood at the apex of the upper class, sharing much of the landed aristocracy’s tastes and lifestyle. King George V had a good knowledge of thoroughbred breeding and racing.15 He enjoyed going to the races, especially at Newmarket, where he

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

the royal family and aristocracy to farmers, veterinary surgeons and small businessmen. Breeders and owners The royal family was not amongst the leading owners, but the monarchy’s public support for racing should be seen as an important cultural marker. Its attitudes to betting, ownership and breeding varied. Edward VII enjoyed betting as much as ownership and breeding. George V took his responsibilities as an owner seriously, enjoyed the social life of a day’s racing, was knowledgeable about breeding, but saw less appeal in betting. George VI maintained the royal

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
The two sides of provincial violence in early modern Burma
Michael W. Charney

expedition because they had apparently outdated royal orders suggesting the Atwinwun lacked such powers. The latter then wrote a letter to the king accusing the officials of obstruction. Other members of the Atwinwun’s faction in the court, mainly princes of the royal family, now sent a letter to the Atwinwun indicating that he was safe as the king had received his complaint and was going to remove the viceroy and the governor of Martaban from their positions. Moreover, the king had appointed as their replacements the Ye-wun of Rangoon as the new governor of Martaban and

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

them, and to use their surnames in return. It was deference too which allowed trainers to remain remote, to rule their stables with firmness and authority. It was the claims of hierarchy which allowed the royal family to repackage the ceremonial trappings which ensured they continued to receive acclaim at Ascot, Epsom, York or Newmarket, a manifestation which David Cannadine has noted in other contexts too.17 Within racing some tried to put forward the view that such hierarchies were natural and preordained, and that social perception and behaviour should reflect

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Open Access (free)
Raiding war and globalization in the early modern world
Brian Sandberg

orchestrated naval expeditions, conducted peace negotiations, and formulated trade agreements. Royal family members periodically intervened in ransoming 94 Part I: Coherence and fragmentation negotiations, as when Louis XIII wrote to the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta regarding a 1619 case of slave taking by a French nobleman who had seized some Turks and left them at Malta.32 Maritime raiding warfare was largely organized by provincial military officers and city councils, even if they claimed to be operating under royal authority. Port cities such as Marseille

in A global history of early modern violence