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Amikam Nachmani

–Israeli one. As mentioned previously, no deterioration was recorded in the bilateral relations during the short-term government of Erbakan. Also, raising the Muslim common nexus was greeted with little enthusiasm by the secular and military elite of Turkey. It is interesting to note the remedy proposed by Khaled bin Sutlan bin Abed al-Aziz, a scion of the Saudi royal family, son of the Saudi Defense Minister, and proprietor and publisher of the Al-Hiyat newspaper. Thriving economic interactions – the basis for the intensive Turkish

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Raymond Hinnebusch

traditional sectarian, tribal and family assabiya to create cores of trusted followers around the leader similar to royal families in the monarchies. (3) In their search for legitimisation, state elites made use of sub- and supra-state identities to make up for thin popular identifications with the state itself. In the monarchies patriarchal loyalties and Islam were the favoured formula; in the republics Pan-Arabism, the official ideology, was buttressed by the exploitation of sub-state loyalties, whether it was Tikriti solidarity in Iraq or that of

in The international politics of the Middle East
Matthew S. Weinert

nineteenth century developed under the auspices of the European concert system and justified by the need to maintain international peace and order allocated recognition of (European) states based on rule by a member of a legitimate royal family. Newly independent countries (e.g. Belgium, Bulgaria, Greece and, later, Norway) were enjoined to adopt a princely leader from a European

in Recognition and Global Politics
Explaining foreign policy variation
Raymond Hinnebusch

, foreign policy decisions are taken consensually by the King and senior princes of the royal family, producing caution and continuity in policy, deeply reflective of Saudi Arabia’s character as a status quo power. The muted competition which exists within the royal family also encourages a risk-averse attempt to appease – ‘bandwagon’ between – conflicting pressures from the West and the Arab world. Thus, the preferences of the ‘Suderi Seven’ – notably King Fahd, Defence Minster Prince Sultan and Interior Minister Prince Nayef – for a Western alliance and Western

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

or are Gulf-based, oil-linked or banking firms. Rent and indirect taxation such as import duties relieve most states of dependency on the bourgeoisie for tax revenues, which might give the latter the leverage to demand a share of power, and business is often quite dependent on the state (for contracts, licenses, etc.). Business lacks the institutionalised access and clout it enjoys in developed capitalist states: in the authoritarian republics, the military and bureaucracy and in the monarchies, royal families dominate foreign policy making. In more liberal states

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

Belgian society, his education was conducted half in French, half in Flemish. The reigning King Leopold’s clumsy attempts at intervening in politics during the inter-war period caused resentment against the royal family in Belgium, and, after the Second World War, they went into exile in Switzerland. Leopold was only allowed to return to the throne in 1950 on condition that his son Baudouin take on most of his powers, becoming Prince

in The politics today companion to West European Politics