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confessed. Police also interviewed a number of witnesses, who had encountered the distraught victim and returned her to her employers’ home. More extensive questioning of the victim and the suspect followed, after which the suspect was examined by a psychiatrist, convicted and sentenced to one year in prison. 1 While many cases of sexual violence tried between 1930 and 1960 by the
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
the pervasive sexual double standard. Caine documents Fawcett’s vehement opposition to sexual immorality among those in public life (particularly her disapproval of Harry Cust and eventual hounding of him out of office), which mirrored her concern with the sexual conduct of the inmates of the concentration camps.32 She was greatly concerned with male sexual immorality, but less interested 174 feminist responses to the anglo-boer war in the effects of war, and as a result it appears that she condemned sexual violence but took a more lenient view of the physical
(ry): narratives of rape in the seventeenth century’, Gender and History, 7 (1995), 378–407. 21 G. Walker, ‘Rereading rape and sexual violence in early modern England’, Gender and History, 10 (1998), 1–25. 22 Ibid., 3. 23 Ibid., 4–5. 24 For a validation of the use of psychoanalytic theory in the interpretation of early modern subjectivities, see L. Roper, Oedipus and the Devil (London, 1994); some reservations are offered by S. Greenblatt, ‘Psychoanalysis and renaissance culture’, in P. Parker and D. Quint (eds), Literary Theory / Renaissance Texts (Baltimore, 1986), pp. 210
. Jamaica’s wealthiest early nineteenthcentury planter, Simon Taylor, for example, was a successful planter because he refused to overwork his slaves, but he was far from being a ‘kind’ master. He knew that he depended on the slave trade and was distraught when Britain abolished that trade in 1807. He did not punish slaves directly himself but hired overseers who he knew would treat enslaved people firmly, ignoring any claim from enslaved people that they were punished excessively and that they experienced significant degrees of sexual violence from rapacious whites. As
: Routledge , 2015 ). 34 Stephanie Wright, ‘“Facts that are Declared Proven”: Francoism, Forensic Medicine, and the Policing of Sexual Violence in Twentieth-Century Spain’, paper given at the conference ‘Forensic Cultures’, Utrecht University, 26–28 August 2021. See also Stephanie Wright
health in the world. It has projects on a range of issues such as AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, abortion, family planning, maternal mortality, genital mutilation, women’s and children’s health and sexual violence. The centre’s strength is the dynamic interaction between multidisciplinary science and development cooperation and the implementation of research
), 521–39. 99 UN Doc. A/49/342, para. 48. 100 Ibid., para. 49. 101 Ibid., para. 51. 102 Ibid., para. 53. A more purposive approach to interpretation is often taken by international human rights bodies. 103 There are also a Defense Counsel Unit and a Judicial Support Services Unit. 104 See K. D. Askin, ‘Sexual violence in decisions and indictments of the Yugoslav and Rwandan tribunals: current status’, American Journal of International Law, 93 (1999), 97–100; H. Charlesworth and C. Chinkin, The Boundaries of International Law – a Feminist Analysis (Manchester
relieve themselves. While this was going on the men from whom one wished to extract denunciations were put to the ‘question’ [tortured].60 The reference here to using women as an instrument to place pressure on Algerian males leads to the issue of rape, a widespread practice by the French army that was long concealed on both sides, by ex-soldiers, the army authorities, women victims and the FLN. The occultation in French society of sexual violence during the war, a practice that most radically contradicted the self-proclaimed ‘civilising mission’ of the army, changed