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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

own societies, especially as reformists of the centre left and right (Clinton, Blair) came to dominate the party-political scene after Thatcher and Reagan embedded the neoliberal revolution of the 1980s. After the Cold War, in other words, the liberal world order was a fact of life. In Margaret Thatcher’s immortal words, ‘there is no alternative’. The consequences of this focus on private enterprise, mobile money, weakened unions, reduced state welfare and regulation and lower taxes are all too visible today in areas like wealth inequality and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Will Leggett

processes are treated as agents in their own right rather than uneven and contested processes deeply influenced by the decisions and strategies of social actors. 10 However, although it is important to demystify overblown claims that ‘there is no alternative’ to the trajectory laid out by uncontrollable social forces, the effect of those forces still needs to be kept in mind

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
Going on without in Beckett
John Pilling

own ‘definition’ of art in his review of Intercessions by Denis Devlin in the last pre war issue of transition, almost exactly four years earlier: ‘pure interrogation, rhetorical question less the rhetoric’.22 For here the ‘something there’ is nothing more than a question mark, the mark of ‘not being there’; and even without an answer there is no alternative to ‘going on’, irrespective of the conditions and constraints that threaten the continuance of the enterprise. On not being there 27 Notes 1 Samuel Beckett, The Unnamable, in Trilogy: Molloy, Malone Dies, The

in Beckett and nothing
The role of minority engagement
Sujatha Raman, Pru Hobson-West, Mimi E. Lam and Kate Millar

majority of the British public accept the use of animals in scientific (medical) research “where there is no alternative” ’. It then mentions the ‘myths’ that still exist, thereby implying that those who 240 Science and the politics of openness are not in the majority are misled. The minority view is also more implicitly sidelined in policy statements, for example, via the claim from the UK Home Office (2015, no pagination) that ‘We respect the fact that people have strong ethical objections to the use of animals in scientific procedures. [But] we have legislated so

in Science and the politics of openness
Acceptance, critique and the bigger picture
Anne B. Ryan

. How Was It For You? The first study, reported in How Was It For You? Exploring Couples’ Experiences of the First Year of Marriage, was commissioned by a marriage and relationship education and counselling organisation, and the participants were all under forty, married and based in Dublin.4 From this study, two broad groups emerge. One group’s themes concern the demands of jobs, coping with constant tiredness, a lack of time for family and friends, and a feeling of being constantly over-pressed. I call them the TINA (‘there is no alternative’) group. Most of this

in The end of Irish history?
Paul Cammack

derived exclusively from the logic of capitalist accumulation and exploitation. In contrast, neo-liberalism looks to an active state first to restore and then to maintain and extend the conditions within which the logic of capitalist reproduction can work to the full. In this context, an essential component of its project – reflected in the claim that ‘there is no alternative’ – is

in The Third Way and beyond
Heikki Patomäki

only if it could be shown that there is no alternative to the use of violence. Ultimately, the legal and moral arguments for the NATO war against Yugoslavia come down to this TINA (there-is-no-alternative) view. If I am right that the remaining unacceptable issue at the end of the Rambouillet negotiations was Appendix B of the agreement, the TINA claim is not only false; it is ridiculous. Also

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Familiarisation and estrangement in Seamus Heaney’s later poetry
Joanna Cowper

off despair. District and Circle sees Heaney beginning to suspect that there is no alternative but to interiorise and to cherish the past as the tangible world becomes ever more insecure and loveless in outlook, no longer offering the comfort and succour that it once promised. This shift in perspective triggers a new urgency in Heaney’s interest in ‘Real Names’, and his new drive towards estrangement is concerned with the paring apart of memories, separating the real from the made-up in an attempt to restore the lines of differentiation between the qualities that

in Irish literature since 1990
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

) briefly considers this possibility only to reject it – since accepting it might imply that the old social democracy is not so redundant after all – by ultimately appealing to a deus ex machina that supposedly reinforces the superiority of Third Way politics: the advent of globalisation and information society as that which allegedly renders all other strategies obsolete (Giddens and Hutton, 2000: 45–51). As noted in the introduction, the NSD therefore appeals to a TINA logic (‘There Is No Alternative’) which represents the intolerant closure of the social imagination

in After the new social democracy
Anna K. Dickson

modified approach to trade liberalisation, with greater emphasis on poverty reduction. Speaking to the World Bank development Committee in April 2000, Commissioner Nielson said that the objective was ‘globalisation with a human face’. He went on to say that ‘while there is no alternative to an open and liberal world economy, this is not an end in itself. Political action is required to harness not only the potential and oppor50 EUD3 10/28/03 2:41 PM Page 51 The unimportance of trade preferences tunities offered by the global economy, but also to limit the transition

in EU development cooperation