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Heikki Patomäki

its rituals of enemy construction. Quite innocently, his judgement may have been made in his capacity as a legal scholar (between 1949 and 1977, Boutros-Ghali was professor of international law and international relations at Cairo University) and an international civil servant aiming at impartiality, but that excuse was unavailable to the US and the UK. Third principle: US foreign policy should

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

outlines of a European (global?) security landscape must be found or will be lost. Prologue 1230 hours, 24 March 1999: NATO airfields in Italy and the United Kingdom Eight American B-52 bombers, each carrying twenty cruise missiles in its bomb bay, leave their UK base in Fairford and head towards Serbia. From NATO airfields Aviano and Istrano in Italy

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

Europe’s political space. Clearly, these events can also be read in a less positive manner, as testifying to Western arrogance, an over-reliance on the efficacy of high-technology and a lack of long-term visions and policies of peaceful engagement. But, however one wants to interpret ‘Kosovo’, it is certainly clear that political spin-doctors have been highly successful in selling this war/conflict, and that Western public

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

politics’ because they (are supposed to) act in a conforming manner and do not present each other with an ‘other’ which needs to be resisted and contested. Following Huntington’s logic, this suggests that within each civilisation there is a relatively good chance of peace. This interpretation explains Huntington’s rather peculiar conjecture that Africa is the only continent without a distinctive

in Mapping European security after Kosovo