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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

, 1990 : 11). When faced with Trump, Xi Jinping, Orban, Erdogan, Putin, Assad, Duterte, non-liberals all, how can the argument for neutrality be successful? They see opponents not as legitimate competitors protected by a set of institutional rules that limit the scope of conflict but as threats to be eliminated. Chantal Mouffe differentiates ‘the political’ from ‘politics’: the political is the sphere of existential conflict over the nature of the state where the most basic institutions of the system itself are fought over ( Mouffe, 2005 : chap

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson

very real and at times functional mode of development for actors in the region, an issue which is addressed below and which will also be returned to in the concluding chapter. The contextual approach to understanding smuggling points to several different ‘functions’ of these economic activities. For example, crime and smuggling serve a social function insofar as they play a role in defining and differentiating between groups. As a Kosovan journalist who investigates and writes about organised crime in the region explained, the phrase of ‘criminal networks’ is not

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry
Jenny H. Peterson

granted to individuals in peace accords (Ballentine, 2004; Gouvnev, 2003). Finally, there is an obvious economic legacy. Past war economies may hinder peacetime development by destabilising the state, which limits foreign investment, and continued smuggling detracts money from the state by eroding the tax base. Of course, there is a functional and political logic to framing war economies as temporally bound within the accepted time frame of the conflict. As Hughes and Pupavac argue, ‘framing historical events in the contingent understandings of relevant time and space

in Building a peace economy?
Eric Shaw

trade unions have not dominated the Labour Party lies in the ‘playing of different roles’ in a system of functional differentiation (Minkin 1991: 26). Along with the ‘rules’, role is a central organising concept in Minkin’s work. A role comprises ‘a cluster of norms that applies to any single unit of social interaction’ (see Haas and Drabek 1973: 110–1). In other words, the role of, say, a trade union member of the NEC comprises the various norms and conventions attached to it. Role theory posits that role-holders will behave in accordance with role requirements – as

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

viability of democratic arrangements within and across pre-established borders. Whatever the lessons stemming from the process of bringing together a number of democratic governments under the organisational logic of a larger management system, the work at hand will have made a contribution if it offers an opportunity to communicate the major concerns underlying the evolutionary nature of European governance and its functionally structured subsystems. Such a task represents, above all, a pragmatic challenge, confronting, on the one hand, the transformation of

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Structuring self-made offers and demands
Andreas Maurer and Wolfgang Wessels

States and their politicoadministrative systems? We might point to a set of trends from the Brussels arenas which need to be analysed in terms of their potential effects on national systems. Of particular relevance are: • The dynamic evolution of new and refined treaty provisions leading – in a typical pattern – to an ever-increasing set of communitarised frameworks for policy-making: para-constitutional communitarisation with a growing role for all Community institutions. • The subsequent widening of the functional scope of integration: sectoral differentiation

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

behind territories, equipped with titular nations, territorial bureaucracies, territorial media, proto-democratic institutions, such as parliaments (soviets), and an ethno-territorial elite that was ready to take over this legacy. In the case of Yugoslavia and the USSR, these borders thus formed a template for status conflicts. Other residues of empire are not territorial, but functional (Rubin and Snyder 1998: 6). These include military organisations, economic networks of supply and production, networks of party or business nomenclature or parts of bureaucracies that

in Potentials of disorder
Analysing two arenas over time
Wolfgang Wessels, Andreas Maurer and Jürgen Mittag

politico-administrative set-up in order to strengthen their problem-solving capacity? Several actors would then have to mobilise energy and attention in order to play a game in an arena which offers more effective instruments for solving problems. For this purpose they have to gain additional material knowledge, procedural skills and political sensitivity. National actors have to enlarge their channels for action and their style of interaction. Existing machineries will at the same time increase their functional differentiation and their co-operation mechanisms. The ‘One

in Fifteen into one?
The Member States between procedural adaptation and structural revolution
Jürgen Mittag and Wolfgang Wessels

range of policy areas dealt with by the Union through para-constitutional communitarisation. This process has led to institutional and procedural differentiation and a subsequent widening of the functional scope of integration in the form of sectoral differentiation. Moreover, this enlargement of the EU’s policymaking scope has brought into play a growing number of governmental and non-governmental bodies dealing with public policy. We can also observe an increasing actor differentiation. Within the individual Member States there is an ongoing reaction to these

in Fifteen into one?
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

diversity within a nascent, yet fragile, political unity. Joining together diverse entities in a regional union that respects their individual integrity, the constitutional structure of the Union challenges the organic theory of the polity, without relying entirely on the properties of ‘segmented differentiation’. From this stems its greatest merit as a system of mutual governance, but also its strongest concern: to provide equality of status to its members while allowing for a less rigid understanding of sovereign statehood. In fact, the TEU offers an advanced conception

in Theory and reform in the European Union