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La gauche de la gauche

Laguiller, and the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire’s Olivier Besancenot, achieved in 2002 a combined score approaching three million. The growing influence of la gauche de la gauche was accompanied by the mushrooming of various militant groups and associations campaigning against racism, unemployment, homelessness and homophobia, boosted from the turn of the century by an emerging anti-capitalist movement spearheaded by individuals like the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the anti-globalisation campaigner José Bové, and by groups like the Attac association against

in The French party system
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Don’t Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves as a reparative fantasy

Tears Without Gloves simultaneously engaged in a politics of nation. While enabling mourning work for gay audiences, it attempted to rewrite the national history by projecting the nation’s near past of the 1980s as an age of homophobia and intolerance against the contemporary, official self-​image of Sweden as ‘gay-​friendly’ (Swedish Institute, 2018). In other words, Don’t Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves resignified vulnerability, the injury of the HIV/​AIDS epidemic on gay men, as a productive resource for the national self-​image, thus enabling the integration of

in The power of vulnerability
The ambivalence of queer visibility in audio- visual archives

: 359). Overall, archivists might be hesitant to classify the persons portrayed in the footage in terms of their sexual identity. Given the history of criminalising or pathologising LGBTQ persons, the reluctance to tag archival holdings as LGBTQ-​related is quite understandable. The scepticism about the usefulness of ‘naming’ can either be the result of latent or manifest homophobia among archivists or a means to acknowledge the risk of ‘naming’ as a way of reducing shifting identities to a single classification. The metadata on Filmarkivet.se is mainly derived from the Swedish

in The power of vulnerability
Aspirations to non-racism

LGBT division of the EDL is more than a cynical attempt by the leadership to distance itself from classic far right groups. The LGBT rainbow flag was visible at every demonstration and at the national demonstration in Newcastle in May 2013, Declan, the 19-year-old leader of the LGBT division, gave a speech, to much applause, about the importance of the division in challenging representations of the movement as ‘homophobic fascists’ and the failure of what he called the ‘far left’ to be consistent with their claim to oppose homophobia wherever they encountered it

in Loud and proud
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Lesbian citizenship and filmmaking in Sweden in the 1970s

. According to literary scholar Karin Lindeqvist (2007: 14), the book epitomised the new unapologetic attitude of lesbian activism at the time by fiercely attacking gender roles, homophobia, capitalism and the prevailing idea that homosexuality was an illness. The book differed significantly from other available representations of homosexuality, including those by LGBT authors and press, Lindeqvist  199 Abortion prevention 199 argues. The fact that both films include quotations from the book, at a time when it was not yet translated from Norwegian to Swedish, is also an

in The power of vulnerability
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Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism

termed them, ‘other Others’. Among these other Others we find, in particular, queer and trans people who experience homophobia along with poverty, racism, ableism, xenophobia, transphobia, sexism, criminalisation, economic exploitation, and other forms of subjection. Returning to Drag King Dreams , the story takes place in 2003, just as the US was embarking on its invasion and eventual

in Security/ Mobility

, disenfranchisement, enslavement, ethnic cleansing, the forced removal of children from their families, genocide, homophobia, human trafficking, imperialism, internment, lynching, miscegenation prohibitions, misogyny, pogroms, purges, racism, segregation, sexism, sexual violence, sterilization, torture and wars of extermination. Misrecognition hinges on perception of difference, no matter how

in Recognition and Global Politics
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Becoming an “old maid”

that in a society where ageism and homophobia are endemic, to be old is bad enough; but to be old and gay is to double the misery. Jones and Pugh’s observations can be extended to the study of single women: to age as a single woman triples this misery. Bennett and Thompson’s research joins other studies that have analyzed different forms of premature aging, such as with ballet dancers, table dancers, and athletes (Ronai 2000; Turner and Wainwright FACING THE HORROR : BECOMING AN “OLD MAID” 57 2003). For example, Carol Ronai’s (2000) study of “aging table

in A table for one
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Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

anti-Muslim or Islamophobic allows its differentiating features – the absence of anti-Semitism and homophobia – to be interpreted as strategically deployed rather than genuinely held principles, on the basis that ‘enemies’ of Islam (Jews and sexual minorities) are ‘our’ allies. Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler (2011: 29) conclude, rather differently, that the EDL is a ‘populist street movement’. In place of an adjectival qualifier characterising the political or ideological nature of the movement, Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler simply note the gap between the EDL’s own

in Loud and proud

policies of the Students’ Union and the NUS and the activities of Community Action. Sexism, aggressive heterosexuality and homophobia were all fiercely attacked during the 1980s. The conflict between the two cultures became acute in the 1980s over the issue, not so much of women’s rights, as of respect and consideration for women. Old-fashioned chivalry and gentlemanly behaviour had expired of their own accord or been dismissed as a veneer which concealed a deep-seated sense of male superiority. But some substitute for these was badly needed, some antidote for the

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90