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policies of the Students’ Union and the NUS and the activities of Community Action. Sexism, aggressive heterosexuality and homophobia were all fiercely attacked during the 1980s. The conflict between the two cultures became acute in the 1980s over the issue, not so much of women’s rights, as of respect and consideration for women. Old-fashioned chivalry and gentlemanly behaviour had expired of their own accord or been dismissed as a veneer which concealed a deep-seated sense of male superiority. But some substitute for these was badly needed, some antidote for the
[the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution]’.41 For Drews, Panizza ‘transforms political into psychiatric categories and – as a devil’s advocate and with rapidly sustained irony – advises that all critical, that is, anti-authoritarian and specifically anti-monarchist sentiment be understood as mental illness’.42 The shortcomings of such forms of reception become obvious, however, in the reviewers’ limited engagement with the ‘uncomfortable’ Panizza as conveyed in his work; his anti-Semitism, homophobia and misogyny. Perhaps more importantly, the new
