, increasingly, proactive organisation. 15 Moreover, though specialist clinics initially provided a valued site of care for most of these conditions, from the 1960s onwards management slowly extended into the community. 16 Specialists and hospital clinics did not disappear, but multi-disciplinary teams increasingly operated across primary and secondary sites of care. 17
Such migration was not solely dependent upon pharmaceutical innovation. Moves away from the hospital were also facilitated by experimentation with instruments of monitoring and with
Daktar Binodbihari Ray Kabiraj and the metaphorics of the
nineteenth-century Ayurvedic body
Projit Bihari Mukharji
-scale migrations, life on the moon, and much else. He even attempted to start a new calendar which, according to him, would be pegged to the actual geological age of the earth.
This elaborate cosmology that Ray worked out throughout his life was, of course, not simply an aimless, benign, and apolitical set of musings. It was as political as his physiograms of the Snayubik Man had been. It was in fact a ‘performative assertion, [an] entr[y] into debates, points of reference for further elaboration’.
the public sat at the heart of many scandals, and the issue greatly concerned bodies claiming to speak for patient-consumers. The emergence of these organisations during the 1960s coincided with the broader professionalisation of collective consumer voices in post-war Britain and their institutionalisation within state bodies. 11 Moreover, groups like the Patients’ Association built upon contemporaneous public demands for autonomy and political accountability. Recent research on the 1970s and 1980s, for instance, has traced the migration of accountability practices
Disease, conflict and nursing in the British Empire, 1880–1914
argued that nursing practice, education and policy were established and consolidated in the metropole
before being exported to the colonies by British nurses, and as a consequence, professional nursing developed independently in each of
the colonial outposts. However, cases like that of ‘Nellie’ Gould illustrate that nursing practice was equally constituted on the peripheries, and that a complex network of nursing ideas existed within the
British Empire, fuelled and enhanced by the mass migration of nurses
between various colonial locations.
Ellen Julia Gould (known as
Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing
Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins
Chapters 2 and 3. Using
the British response to a plague epidemic which originated in China
and came to global attention when it hit Hong Kong in 1894, Fletcher
takes a long-term view (1880–1914) and a comparative approach,
arguing that although nursing practice might originate at the centre it
was constituted on the peripheries of the Empire. Thus colonial nursing engendered a complex network of nursing ideas which was fuelled
and expanded by the mass migration of nurses from various locations
within the Empire. Fletcher argues that by using crises, such as a major
Nursing and medical records in the Imperial War in Ethiopia (1935–36)
Anna La Torre, Giancarlo Celeri Bellotti and Cecilia Sironi
explicit and extreme;
the main characteristics of this period being its limited geographical extent, the lack of economic productivity and the chronological
During the Fascist dictatorship there was a strong nationalistic
component as Italian foreign policy began to take on a highly ideological resonance. Mussolini’s purpose in the conquest of Ethiopia incorporated both an economic and propaganda nature.7 On one hand, he
wanted to find an outlet for a growing Italian population, forcing the
La Torre, Bellotti, Sironi
migration of the most poor families
have no more love left for the Commonwealth”: Media, migration and identity in the 1961–62 British smallpox outbreak’, Immigrants & Minorities , 25:3 (2007), 263–89; Roberta E. Bivins, Contagious Communities: Medicine, Migration, and the NHS in Post-War Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). See also Petersen and Lupton, The New Public Health ; Richard Coker, ‘Civil liberties and public good: Detention of tuberculous patients and the Public Health Act 1984’, Medical History , 45:3 (2001), 341–58; Steve Sturdy, ‘Introduction: Medicine, health and the
State: A History of Public Health from Ancient to Modern Times (London: Routledge, 1999).
5 Roberta Bivins, ‘ “The people have no more love left for the Commonwealth”: Media, migration and identity in the 1961–62 British smallpox outbreak’, Immigrants & Minorities , 25:3 (2007), 263–89; Roberta Bivins, Contagious Communities: Medicine, Migration, and the NHS in Post-War Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).
6 Bivins, ‘ “The people have no more love left” ’ and Bivins, Contagious Communities
American colonial and missionary nurses in Puerto Rico, 1900–30
Winifred C. Connerton
Comisión de Historia, Historia de la enfermería en Puerto Rico: desde la
sociedad indígena hasta 1930 (San Juan, PR: Borikén Libros, 2002), pp. 42–3.
14 C. C. Choy, Empire of Care: Nursing and Migration in Filipino American
History (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), p. 19.
15 W. C. Connerton, ‘American nurses in colonial settings: imperial power at
the bedside’, in P. D’Antonio, J. A. Fairman and J. C. Whelan (eds), Routledge
Handbook on the Global History of Nursing (New York: Routledge, 2013),
16 J. Van R. Hoff, Military Government of Porto
Humanitarian Organizations; Father Kilbride,
‘Genocide, 1969’, Clearing House; E. B. Ikpe, ‘Migration, starvation, and
humanitarian intervention during the Nigerian Civil War’, Lagos Historical
Review, 1 (2001), 84–96.
53 ‘Film as social and cultural history’, http://historymatters.gmu.edu/mse/film/
54 Night Flight to Uli. Excerpts from Night Flight to Uli published courtesy of
55 Night Flight to Uli.
56 C. Achebe, There Was a Country: A Memoir (New York: Penguin Books,
2012), quotation p. 171.
57 Achebe, There Was a Country.