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An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

’t necessarily join NGOs like MSF because they don’t have professional experience in humanitarian work. They specifically want to do something in Europe rather than going to Bangladesh or Syria or Iraq. It is really this idea of dealing with a European issue, in Europe, in a way that might bring about political change, without being embedded in a political party. This is a new type of political engagement and politics – different to that which inspired previous generations of humanitarian workers. SOS acknowledges the fact that dealing with migration today in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

, a new and optimistic, less direct but technologically updated humanitarianism has confidently stepped forth. More de-risked and requiring less professional expertise than the labour-intensive direct engagement of the past, it is a cheaper Western humanitarianism designed for connectivity rather than circulation. Often called humanitarian innovation ( ALNAP, 2009 ; Betts and Bloom, 2014 ), a feature of this new humanitarianism is its enthusiastic embrace of adaptive design ( Ramalingam et al ., 2014 ; HPG, 2018 ). Moreover, unlike autonomous

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

one- to two-hour awareness-raising session on security for all volunteers leaving on mission during their departure preparation; and, most importantly, a kidnapping risk-management policy. That policy was designed and put in place after two expatriates were abducted in Somalia in the fall of 2008. It required identifying the kidnapping risk in each intervention zone; a specific briefing for people heading to high- and very high-risk areas about the risk and the means being used to reduce it; and confidentially obtaining and managing proof of identity. The idea was

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

practicality prevents it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of any markers of identity or citizenship. What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological – the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I have argued elsewhere, for example, that the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

highly professional; yet in both states the military, ex-military politicians, and the intelligence services nevertheless frequently overshadow the diplomats. The limited influence of professional foreign policy establishments, together with the dominance of the policy process by military and intelligence bureaucrats, may give special weight to the advocates of the use of force over negotiation in achieving ends and to ‘national security’ considerations over other issues, such as economic interests or identity, in the policy process. The over

in The international politics of the Middle East

Primitive state-building State-building is the effort of rulers to institutionalise state structures capable of absorbing expanding political mobilisation and controlling territory corresponding to an identity community. In the Middle East, the flaws built into the process from its origins have afflicted the states with enduring legitimacy deficits (Hudson 1977). Because imperialism drew boundaries that haphazardly corresponded to identity, installed client elites in them and created the power machineries of the new

in The international politics of the Middle East
From starving children to satirical saviours

questions to the social networking site Facebook as the starting point of this chapter. Facebook was founded in the United States in 2004 as a network for Harvard University students to share ‘social’ information. In 2005, the network was open to other US educational institutions, corporate professionals and in the following year was made public. 12 Checking social networking sites has now become part of

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
The Marshall Plan films about Greece

case studies, such as Ireland, Austria and Italy, and an emphasis on narratives of reconstruction, productivity and national identity. 14 The case of Greece and the humanitarian narratives of the MP films at large have been underexplored so far. By concentrating on the MP films about Greece, my aim is to correlate their discourse of reconstruction with the narrative of humanitarianism and to

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Journalism practice, risk and humanitarian communication

: Sage , 2004 ); M. Deuze , ‘ What is Journalism? Professional Identity and Ideology of Journalists Reconsidered ’, Journalism , 6 : 4 ( 2005 ), pp. 442 – 64 ; B. McNair , The Sociology of Journalism ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1998 ). 44 S. Maras , Objectivity in Journalism ( Cambridge : Polity

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

disproportionate military defence budget and uniformed male decision making in times of crisis. 2 For the general population, this situation of chronic emergency can be experienced as a mechanism for order and social control. The militarized and masculinized form of leadership in the Middle East tends to impinge upon the rights of minorities and other collectives, the identities of which are based on class

in Redefining security in the Middle East