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different theories with regards to Croatia. Instead, I propose a multi-layered approach to studying contemporary Croatian national identity. Adopting Paul James’ theory of ‘abstract communities’, I argue that national identity is constituted by the interaction of three levels of social abstraction. The first level is an abstract level of ‘big stories’ that distinguish the nation from other nations. In and of themselves, such stories have little meaning in contemporary contexts. Therefore the second level looks at the political and intellectual elites who attempt to make

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Economy, football and Istria

contained here reveal the nation to be a terrain of political competition in which the state is but one, albeit powerful and well resourced, protagonist. Such disputes take place not only among political and intellectual elites but also within a diverse range of social practices. The focus here then is on how interpretations of the historical statehood narrative are manifested in the identities that inform social practices. These chapters ask how competing ideas about Croatian national identity are manifested in different areas of social activity by considering the

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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-determination UNTAET is managing both the rebuilding of East Timor and its initial transition to statehood. It is a peace-building enterprise concerned in broad terms with the creation of structures capable of institutionalising peace. Peace building represents an extraordinary set of social and political experiments, made across cultures, by a chaotic mix of international, national and non-governmental agencies with competing agendas. Over the past decade, the international community has been increasingly engaged in the tasks of peace building, and has struggled to come to grips

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
A centuries-old dream?

This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.

brings the claim of continual statehood into question. Second, there is the question of the level of support enjoyed by the Usta°a. Was Usta°a fascism supported by Croats and their social institutions (the Catholic Church) or was there widespread resistance? Third, did the Usta°a commit genocide against the Serbs or was the killing more indiscriminate and a consequence of the on-going civil war? Of these, the first two questions in particular posed problems in the 1990s when Tuœman tried to unite the different strands of national thinking into a single national

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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Competing claims to national identity

Croatian national identity was constructed by Franjoism in the 1990s. Most viewed it as a recent construction that had devastating consequences on the region. However, although nations are constituted at the most abstract level, they derive their salience by being embedded in social practice. By itself, the Franjoist claim that Croatia did not relinquish sovereignty to the Hungarians in 1102 was hardly likely to provoke action 890 years later. Indeed, standing by themselves, the claims made in the historical statehood thesis have no meaning in the contemporary context

in The formation of Croatian national identity

made different use of the frames provided by the historical statehood thesis. Opposition voices: political parties In contrast to the ideas of national unity articulated by Franjoists, opposition politics was highly fragmented in the 1990s and failed to offer a cohesive counter-narrative. One of the central points of dispute among opposition parties was the question of how they should relate to Tuœman’s HDZ. On the one hand, the eventual partners in the winning coalition of the 2000 parliamentary elections, Ivica Raïan of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Dra

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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overarching theme most appropriately encapsulates this change.1 Key issues Although the sheer size and diversity of the region – India is itself of continental dimensions – defies any meaningful generalizations, the common experience of statehood has given rise to similar concerns in the efforts to establish viable democracies (Jalal 1995). At the risk of a great deal of simplicity – and violence – the most important of these concerns as identified in the literature are: political consolidation; structural social change; democratic transition; and the impact of

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh

statehood, the social selforganisation between different communities is usually less mutually exclusive than the normative narratives of those communities may suggest. Since the ideal order of (imagined) communities is usually transported in the sphere of values and believes these normative tales may easily imply cultural clashes as the core of conflict. In the way Armenians and Azeris conceptualise the Karabakh conflict a notion of mutually exclusive ‘culture’ or ‘civilisation’ occupies a prominent place next to versions of historic truth among nationalist intellectuals (on

in Potentials of disorder
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Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

was an active strategy, including demonstrations and sabotage, aimed at destabilising the colo94 Albanian society and independence from statehood nial regime and influencing the British public. Kosovo Albanian leaders, by contrast, never took action.2 They chose to build a ‘parallel system’, as analysts put it. But even the setting up of this parallel system was hardly planned and required little organisational performance. In less than a year, most ‘socially owned’ firms changed into Serb hands and their managers were dismissed.3 The Albanian party and state

in Potentials of disorder