in Second World War historiography about how far Fascism and Nazism influenced the NDH (Kallis 2015 ); they still laid foundations that would transform again as the Yugoslav region negotiated the geopolitics of the ColdWar.
Venetian formations of race
In October 2015, the Croatian football club HNK Rijeka, nicknamed ‘Bijeli’ (‘Whites’) for their all-white home strip, wore an unusual fourth kit against nearby Opatija: a purple shirt half-covered by a black-skinned, turbaned head, with prominent red lips and gold-rimmed eyes
its extra geopolitics of Non-Alignment are commonly part of the globe, or even the Europe, theorised by critical race scholarship. Stam and Shohat ( 2012 : 80), indeed, sum up US spatialised hierarchies of knowledge production about the world by noting the bounding of ‘Latin American/Caribbean’, ‘Asian/Pacific’, ‘African’ and ‘Middle East’ studies on one hand, versus western Europe and the US as the ‘quietly normative headquarters’ that ‘strategically mapped’ all other areas – yet east European or Soviet studies, equally products of the ColdWar, are not even part
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
, language, territory and sovereignty would also have been held by inhabitants of the region in the medieval and early modern past, or even the late Ottoman and Habsburg periods (Fine 2006 ; Judson 2007 ; Blumi 2011b ); used evidence about ethnopolitical conflict dynamics from the region for broader theory-building about nationalism and ethnicity (Brubaker 1996 ) or post-Cold-War international security (Posen 1993 ); investigated how alternative, multi-ethnic models of belonging were marginalised by Yugoslav constitutional logics, erased before and during the wars
, from the perspective of connected sociologies (Bhambra, 2014 ), this chapter looks at the segregation cases in the frame of global politics at the time. Whilst some scholars point out that the US desegregation process has to be understood within the broader ColdWar context (Dudziak, 2004 ; Bader Ginsburg, 2005 ; Goldston, 2017 ), Romani school segregation cases played an important role in shaping the global politics of postsocialist transitions and EU integration (Chang and Rucker-Chang, 2020 : 38–51). Nonetheless, global politics has not had such a decisive
through the wars' origins and course (see Woodward 1995 ; Bougarel, Helms and Duijzings (eds) 2007 ; Archer, Duda and Stubbs (eds) 2016 ). Although the wars and their aftermath required a ‘double lens’ seeing the region as postsocialist and post-conflict, to most Western non-specialists they were plain and simply an example of violent ethnic conflict. In this capacity, they informed post-Cold-War Western dynamics of race and an emerging ‘migration–security nexus’ (Faist 2006 ) where policymakers evaluated migrations as security threats.
of a global consumer culture that commercialises racialised gazes and desires into exotica (Gilroy 2000 ) and of the complex global imagination of ‘America’: indeed, African-American music and musicians were important for US cultural diplomacy during the ColdWar (Von Eschen 2006 ), towards Non-Aligned Yugoslavia (Vučetić 2012 ) as well as the USSR. Sounds, songs, stars and genres deeply embedded in US racial politics, from jazz to Michael Jackson through Motown, were also cultural artefacts that entered Yugoslavia as symbols of Americanness, coolness and
their schools. The discourse of the governments in question indicated how invisible edges of citizenship persist within the education system. Instead of offering equality of opportunity, it further cements the position of Roma at the fringes of citizenship. In all of these cases, the ECtHR decided there was ethnic discrimination in education.
In discussing these court cases, it is important to highlight the broader contexts within which they occurred. The US cases were decisively affected by the ColdWar context, as racial
the USA; instead, active translations of US biological and cultural racial thinking were already forming interpretive frames in Bulgaria for white Bulgarians' perceptions of Roma (Todorova 2006 : 6–7). Bulgarian Communists also worked Stalinist notions of racialised differentials in modernity, then ColdWar state socialist views of race, culture and development, into their racial formations. These translations of racialisation and whiteness thus did not only reach Bulgarians on migrating to the USA, as mainstream US labour/migration histories would suggest, nor did
from the career of each man.
Mitchell’s travel in Europe in the early 1960s
contributed to creating a ColdWar warrior with outspoken,
anti-communist liberal political views. For example, when he was in
office he was happy to be identified as ‘one of the sensible
ones’ by Margaret Thatcher when he was invited to Britain on an
official visit. He reminds his readers regularly that he rubs shoulders
Hedrick , Mestizo Modernism: Race, Nation, and Identity
in Latin American Culture, 1900–1940 ( New Brunswick, NJ : Rutgers University Press , 2003 ); Jean
Franco , The Decline and Fall of the Lettered City:
Latin America in the ColdWar ( Cambridge, MA : Harvard University
Press , 2002 ); Roberto