] was a transitional arrangement and that there would be a massive peace dividend for working-class communities in the Six Counties, and based on that I voted yes for the Good Friday Agreement because it was an army order at the time to do so and I just followed orders. 21
England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity: Brexit
Currently, republicanism is experiencing a ‘low ebb’ which radical republicans have compared to other periods throughout Irish history, such as the 1950s border campaign after which everything changed
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek
that is old enough to remember the heady days of the postwar economic miracle but young enough to have no personal memories of the wars and suffering that preceded it. This phenomenon is not limited to the political right, as some older socialists have also sought to rebrand Brexit as ‘Lexit,’ presenting it as an opportunity for the left to pursue a project of ‘socialism in one country.’ 10
Just as transnationally shared collective memories helped to drive the project of integration during the postwar period by serving as cognitive, motivational, and justificatory
-friendly – leaderships. In many ways, the referendum was a genial solution to an intractable problem.
This was also true in the United Kingdom. From the earliest debates in the late Victorian age until the referendum on Brexit, tactical considerations were the key motivator. The story of the 1975 referendum on membership of the EEC is a case in point. This referendum was held not out of concern for due democratic process but because of tactical considerations within the Labour Party. On the face of it this was not a great advertisement for the referendum as a mechanism.
its support, now seems an appropriate time to reconsider just who and what the party originally stood for. The book’s focus is especially relevant in this post-Blair, post-Brexit era when the meanings of terms like progressive, socialist, liberal, reform, radical and even democracy are hotly contested by politicians, commentators and voters from across the political spectrum. Has Labour always been a populist party that has sought to build a broad-based coalition of the working class and middle-class progressives? Is it a socialist party that, since 1918, has been
But what exactly is going on? What is starting to show itself?
If we listen to Michael Moore and many others on the left,
the argument is generally about declining career prospects,
working longer and harder for less money, lack of upward
mobility, struggling to make ends meet on jobs that allowed
people’s parents to buy a house and go on holiday at least
once a year. I think he’s right. Yet it is actually quite hard to
identify the reasons for how we vote. The votes for both Brexit
and Trump involved people aligning themselves with some
of the uglier
Daniel Geary, Camilla Schofield, and Jennifer Sutton
T HE MORNING AFTER the 2016 Brexit referendum, Donald Trump landed at his Scottish golf resort and tweeted that Britons “took their country back, just like we will take America back.” During his presidential campaign that summer, Trump forged a close alliance with Nigel Farage, leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party and the most prominent advocate of British withdrawal from the European Union. Farage already knew Trump’s campaign manager, Steve Bannon, who hailed the rise of right-wing European nationalism as executive chairman of the alt
2018 the Belfast Telegraph reported that in an independent poll
of 1,199 people, commissioned by the campaign group ‘Our Future Our
Choice Northern Ireland’ and including Protestants as well as Catholics,
52 per cent said they would vote for a united Ireland after Brexit while
39 per cent said they would wish to remain within the United Kingdom. It
is thus clear that not all Catholics in Northern
Ireland will automatically favour joining a united Ireland over
remaining in the United Kingdom, but the
Ireland's efforts in building on learning and good practice in environmental governance are, however, exposed to Brexit and its potential to weaken legislative protection. EU environmental policy has also shaped UK policy and is the principal driver for the environmental protection in place in Northern Ireland. The UK Government's Brexit White Paper in February 2017 included assurances that the UK would remain proactive as a ‘leading actor’ on climate change and environmental policy on its EU departure. It will continue to have
, given the extent to which Turkish enterprises depend on the German export market. The goal is to keep Turkey attached to the Western alliance while working to move the country back to a democratic path. This process may require some time and patience, but Turkey is too valuable a country to give up on.
The Brexit referendum was the first big shock to the Western system of 2016. But it could pale in comparison to the pain and division that negotiating British departure from the EU could bring to both sides of the English Channel. The West would have been
Sarita Malik, Churnjeet Mahn, Michael Pierse, and Ben Rogaly
for the rights of marginalised communities, that some of us would be part of urgent cycles of campaigning, nor that all of our project meetings would almost invariably begin with commiseration or questioning how to hold hope for the future. Again. This has become a book of its time – the Brexit years – which reflects on the potential of diverse forms of creativity at the margins of society to interrupt the flow of the status quo.
Life for migrants with historic ties to empire has become increasingly challenging. The UK Home Office's ‘hostile