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Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido

the dimensions. In this section, I will elaborate further the intuition of the CEDAW in GR No. 35 of 2017, which stressed that states have obligations stemming from actions committed by state and non-state 179 DE VIDO 9781526124975 PRINT.indd 179 24/03/2020 11:01 Violence against women’s health in international law actors and, with regard to the former, to ensure that laws, policies, programmes and procedures do not discriminate against women.4 The recommendation does not refer, however, or only partly, to cases in which it is the state that, through its policies

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Abstract only
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

the rape rooms, the torture chambers, the children’s jails, and the mass graves recently uncovered. This was the result which hundreds of thousands of people marched to secure. Well, speaking for myself, comrades, there I draw the line. Not one step. Let me now just focus on a couple of dimensions of this issue. Humanitarian intervention First, there is a long tradition in the literature of international law that, although national sovereignty is an important consideration in world affairs, it is not sacrosanct. If a government treats its own people with

in The Norman Geras Reader
Matt Killingsworth

will be argued here, contrary to Akhavan, that the UN-constituted Tribunals (and the ICC) contribute to a pluralist international order, as opposed to a cosmopolitan world order, where states remain the primary actors and international law, acknowledged as integral to maintaining order, remains informed by Vattelian interpretations of sovereignty. The International Criminal

in Violence and the state
A reflective narrative
Patrick Thornberry

Indigenous peoples and HR 17 Indigenous peoples and the discourses of human rights: a reflective narrative The system of human rights is not closed. It is theoretically possible that forms of closure of normative categories will in time descend on indigenous groups, disabling the groups (normatively) from accessing minority rights, just as minorities are not encouraged to access indigenous rights. Such an outcome is not certain, and appears improbable in the present state of international law and relations. Closing off categories is also dubious morally and

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
Rhiannon Vickers

trauma of the First World War, the post-war years saw a period of remarkable optimism about the ability to banish war and conflict through the rational application of international law and the operation of the League of Nations. The Vic04 10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 81 THE LABOUR MINORITY GOVERNMENTS 81 ideas of the UDC, developed through their publications during the war, coincided with liberal internationalist views propounded by President Woodrow Wilson. In particular, they were similar to, and preceded, the Fourteen Points of the peace programme Wilson outlined in

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Jean d’Aspremont and Alicia Köppen

virtues which justify its use in the following paragraphs. In particular, the distinction helps introduce (and delineate the breath of) a remarkable initiative that has been overlooked by the investment law community, namely the adoption by the African Society of International Law (AfSIL) of the Principles on International Investment for Sustainable Development in Africa 2

in African perspectives in international investment law
Leslie C. Green

and of those claiming to be outside the conflict. The international law of armed conflict grants rights and imposes duties upon these non-participants, which are known as neutrals and the relevant legal regime as neutrality. 1 So long as the activities of the non-participants do not interfere with the legitimate activities of the belligerents or benefit one at the expense of another, neutrals are

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Garret FitzGerald

work together through the mechanism of the European Union. He focused particularly on what he called Europe’s seven value reversals; namely, a commitment to international law; supra-national supervision of human rights by the Strasbourg Court; the creation of a European Zone of Peace and the dedication of European national armies to peacekeeping and peacemaking; the substitution of aid for colonialism; the abolition MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 110 11/10/2013 15:25 Europe’s role in world peace 111 of capital punishment; global ecological action; and the

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Abstract only
Marco Barducci

, theological and legal contexts. 3 The existing historiography of Grotius’s influence on early modern English culture and society has been undertaken from three different perspectives. Each of these has explored a narrow account of the reception of specific works. One powerful investigation has focused on Grotius’s natural and international law; 4 a second has pointed to the influence of his

in Order and conflict
Abstract only
Daniel Laqua

into the country’s political discourse; before the First World War, domestic debates on an abandonment of neutrality remained temporary episodes.1 Neutrality meant that the kingdom’s existence was tied to a concept in international law. In the 1860s, Emile Banning viewed the kingdom’s ‘neutralisation’ as the making of a European vocation.2 Three decades later, Edouard Descamps published a detailed study in which he portrayed neutrality as one aspect of ‘our modern international constitution’, which was influenced by the country’s location and its ‘international

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930