. Likewise, the dark side of globalization means that external
actors—particularly non-stateactors—are now able to exercise considerable capability to fuel or sustain violence as part of their own agendas.
This can result in the original source of a conflict becoming subsumed
by other outside interests and thereby increase the difficulty in bringing
about a peaceful resolution.
Finally, the growing involvement and importance of non-stateactors
in African conflicts also raises another distressing trend that in some
ways mimics the Cold War—the return of proxy forces and
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
the Cold War cutting across that influence.
The interaction between the UN and non-stateactors was at best
embryonic in the first twenty years of the organisation’s history.
Social movements and forces, which would be increasingly influential in
shaping collective expectations of the UN in the years to come, had not
yet fully developed. Several major IGOs, whether multipurpose or
strategy to ensure international peace and stability. However, such claims, when it comes to the specific
policy promotion of democracy, hide the fact that national
interests, the quest for security, the exploitative nature of the
international economic system, and the rise of non-stateactors are still of primary importance in international politics.
The promotion of democracy by western governments, by
international organisations and even by multinationals has
always to contend with the geopolitical reality within which
all these actors operate. Geopolitics is an
Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido
in the field of health, causes violence against women. The GR then
refers to due diligence obligations under the paragraph on ‘responsibility for acts
or omissions of non-Stateactors,’5 missing the opportunity to clarify the concept
better and to conceive due diligence obligations in terms of the vertical dimension
of violence as conceptualised in this book, as well as the horizontal dimension.
It is necessary to start, although briefly, from states’ obligations and state
responsibility. In exploring the literature, the different ways in which states’
(and other non-stateactors as well). State interests are often
understood from both a realist perspective, in which a state’s interest
in territory, sovereignty or security is taking as given analytical starting
points, and a constructivist approach, which seeks to unpack what premises, actors and inter-state dynamics produced a set of interests. Many
of the studies focusing on state-level Arctic politics and interactions
among states in the Arctic have focused on security questions –both
broadly construed (e.g. Heininen, 2015; Hoogensen
Conclusion 4, which articulates that the practice of other non-Stateactors does not have that potential. In this the Conclusions follow the reports by the Special Rapporteur, which – generally – give evidence of a more open approach to international organisations’ independent role in customary international law formation. 13
The 2018 Conclusions then recognise the possibility of an independent role for international organisations, but they do not elaborate; and some key questions are left pending. One is how the opinio juris of an organisation is to be established
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Islam has become the ideology underpinning the rejection of peace and
the promotion of anti-Western ideologies. This study, in doing so, takes
as its point of departure the distinction between the religion of Islam
and Islamism. The focus is those groups, in the main non-stateactors, which
represent Islam in a politicized pattern. The term
‘Islamism’ refers to political Islam – particularly
to explain what they deemed
most important – war and peace between major states. Towards this end,
Morgenthau provided the first realist theory, which asserted that international
politics amounts to states pursing ‘interest defined in terms of power’.2 This
influential theory helped establish realism as the dominant paradigm in IR.
Yet realist assumptions also constrain research in three ways: in particular,
they sideline non-stateactors and minor states, state-level characteristics (or
domestic politics), and the issues over which states fight – the latter
The Smith College Relief Unit, Near East Relief and visions of Armenian reconstruction, 1919–21
, Florence Snow, Helen Thayer and Helen Whitman.
5 See A. D. Krikorian and E. L. Taylor’s data compilation and analysis, ‘Ninety-six Years Ago Today’, Armenian News Network , 16 February 2015, www.groong.org/orig/ak-20150216.html (accessed 20 March 2020).
6 B. Little, ‘An Explosion of New Endeavours: Global Humanitarian Responses to Industrialized Warfare in the First World War Era’, First World War Studies 5:1 (2014), 1–16.
7 For example, special issue of First World War Studies 5:1 (2014); D. Rodogno, ‘Non-stateActors’ Humanitarian Operations in the