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Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon

. Likewise, the dark side of globalization means that external actors—particularly non-state actors—are now able to exercise considerable capability to fuel or sustain violence as part of their own agendas. This can result in the original source of a conflict becoming subsumed by other outside interests and thereby increase the difficulty in bringing about a peaceful resolution. Finally, the growing involvement and importance of non-state actors in African conflicts also raises another distressing trend that in some ways mimics the Cold War—the return of proxy forces and

in African security in the twenty-first century
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

-colonialism, with the Cold War cutting across that influence. The interaction between the UN and non-state actors was at best embryonic in the first twenty years of the organisation’s history. Social movements and forces, which would be increasingly influential in shaping collective expectations of the UN in the years to come, had not yet fully developed. Several major IGOs, whether multipurpose or

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The international connection
Francesco Cavatorta

strategy to ensure international peace and stability. However, such claims, when it comes to the specific policy promotion of democracy, hide the fact that national interests, the quest for security, the exploitative nature of the international economic system, and the rise of non-state actors are still of primary importance in international politics. The promotion of democracy by western governments, by international organisations and even by multinationals has always to contend with the geopolitical reality within which all these actors operate. Geopolitics is an

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Open Access (free)
Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido

in the field of health, causes violence against women. The GR then refers to due diligence obligations under the paragraph on ‘responsibility for acts or omissions of non-State actors,’5 missing the opportunity to clarify the concept better and to conceive due diligence obligations in terms of the vertical dimension of violence as conceptualised in this book, as well as the horizontal dimension. It is necessary to start, although briefly, from states’ obligations and state responsibility. In exploring the literature, the different ways in which states’ obligations

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Open Access (free)
A power perspective on Arctic governance
Elana Wilson Rowe

(and other non-​state actors as well). State interests are often understood from both a realist perspective, in which a state’s interest in territory, sovereignty or security is taking as given analytical starting Introduction     11 points, and a constructivist approach, which seeks to unpack what premises, actors and inter-​state dynamics produced a set of interests. Many of the studies focusing on state-​level Arctic politics and interactions among states in the Arctic have focused on security questions  –​both broadly construed (e.g. Heininen, 2015; Hoogensen

in Arctic governance
Catherine Brölmann

Conclusion 4, which articulates that the practice of other non-State actors does not have that potential. In this the Conclusions follow the reports by the Special Rapporteur, which – generally – give evidence of a more open approach to international organisations’ independent role in customary international law formation. 13 The 2018 Conclusions then recognise the possibility of an independent role for international organisations, but they do not elaborate; and some key questions are left pending. One is how the opinio juris of an organisation is to be established

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

Islam has become the ideology underpinning the rejection of peace and the promotion of anti-Western ideologies. This study, in doing so, takes as its point of departure the distinction between the religion of Islam and Islamism. The focus is those groups, in the main non-state actors, which represent Islam in a politicized pattern. The term ‘Islamism’ refers to political Islam – particularly in the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Reaching settlement in Northern Ireland
Andrew P. Owsiak

to explain what they deemed most important – war and peace between major states. Towards this end, Morgenthau provided the first realist theory, which asserted that international politics amounts to states pursing ‘interest defined in terms of power’.2 This influential theory helped establish realism as the dominant paradigm in IR. Yet realist assumptions also constrain research in three ways: in particular, they sideline non-state actors and minor states, state-level characteristics (or domestic politics), and the issues over which states fight – the latter

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
The Smith College Relief Unit, Near East Relief and visions of Armenian reconstruction, 1919–21
Rebecca Jinks

, Florence Snow, Helen Thayer and Helen Whitman. 5 See A. D. Krikorian and E. L. Taylor’s data compilation and analysis, ‘Ninety-six Years Ago Today’, Armenian News Network , 16 February 2015, (accessed 20 March 2020). 6 B. Little, ‘An Explosion of New Endeavours: Global Humanitarian Responses to Industrialized Warfare in the First World War Era’, First World War Studies 5:1 (2014), 1–16. 7 For example, special issue of First World War Studies 5:1 (2014); D. Rodogno, ‘Non-state Actors’ Humanitarian Operations in the

in Aid to Armenia