the nature of resistance has been violent as well as covert.
The plurality of new authorities, elites and alliances that has been forged across
ideological and ethnic lines has fragmented both rule and resistance. The context
has been marked by the use of violence in the pursuit of state security and economic agendas, even if through proxy armed groups. Resistance, as we will see,
is not an anti-state or an anti-warmovement but, rather, a negation, or at least
a mitigation, of the everyday context of domination. Analyses of the sources of
conflict tend to see the
where the RMT was unable legally to call out its members at the depots
that the strike breakers came from. ‘If it is good enough for the bosses
to understand what solidarity is, then it should be good enough for us
to bring in laws that create secondary action that is legitimate as well.’71
Earlier that year, he compared the anti-warmovement to the Romanian
revolution, which ended with Ceausescu’s execution. As Blair was not
listening to the protests, Crow made the allusion: ‘Look at what happened in Eastern Europe when people didn’t listen.’72 In the
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor
airstrike, and the case of British news media representation of
the anti-warmovement. Each of these case studies provides a more in-depth
analysis of particular events that formed part of the broader patterns of supportive, negotiated and oppositional coverage documented so far.
Evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage
1 Telephone interview with Jon Snow, 19 December 2008.
2 Telephone interview with Alex Thomson, 10 December 2008.
3 Further evidence for newspaper diversity, based on our main thematic framing
measures, can be readily seen in Tables 6
The international links of the Australian far right in the Cold War
), which was based in Canberra. Succeeding Smith, Eric Wenberg helped orchestrate a merger between the two parties in 1968 which lasted in this form until the early 1970s (although a rump continued as the ANSP during the same period).
Kathleen Belew has demonstrated how the Vietnam War had a deep impact on the American far right. 9 Australia’s involvement in the war (as well as the large-scale anti-warmovement) also had a significant effect on the far right. For the Australian far right, the Vietnam War was a battle to save the nation from Asian communism and there
and reliable partner for the GJM (Hanley, 2008 : 146; Karatsioubanis, 2010a ).
• The prospect of strengthening the anti-warmovement against US militarisation in Afghanistan and Iraq.
• The prospect of articulating a pan-European defence of the European social model, seen as the core of European identity.
• The perceived need to accelerate EU integration (in particular Eastern enlargement) by freeing it from ‘Euro-Atlanticism’ and from President Bush's calls for ‘a united Europe under an expanded NATO’ (Trigazis, 2003 ).
• Reflecting the aforementioned
transformed the face of Catholic protest in the North. Their language
(as in their statement of their key objectives, which was later adopted
by the broader campaign for civil rights) was bracingly clear.4 They
displayed no timorousness in facing up to the unionist establishment
or to moderates in the Catholic community. They drew on the rhetoric, tactics and imagery of the African American civil rights campaign,
the US anti-warmovement and student protest in Europe. Devlin and
her colleague Eamonn McCann, in particular, looked as if they had
wandered off the
-wing movements of the first half of the twentieth century, a period
of unusually dramatic and tragic events, both national and international. At various
times, Wilkinson was active and prominent in Guild Socialism, the Communist
Party, the women’s suffrage movement, the anti-warmovement, the Independent
Labour Party (ILP) and the agitation over the Spanish Civil War and over Indian
independence, Popular Front movements against fascism, and numerous leftwing organisations within the political labour movement. She was ‘an inveterate
leaguer – from the Plebs League to the Women
groups rather than on the world around
them.71 Healy loudly condemned both the growing student and the anti-warmovement as bourgeois and divisive.72 Expelled former member, Alan Thornett’s
description of the League’s attitudes to sexism illuminates a wider refusal to
countenance the growth of personal politics. ‘We were working-class people
steeped in deeply ingrained sexist attitudes, yet the SLL had nothing to offer since
their approach to women’s oppression was consistently backward.73 Thornett
Politics and culture: homosexuality and the Left
demonstrate how the Front combined personal and
traditional political experiences. Both were immersed in the Left, but had sought
other ways to develop a politics of sexuality. Walter and Fernbach had already
been involved in the Revolutionary Socialist Student Federation and the anti-warmovement. Together they combined an appreciation of the counter-culture with
their own experiences of the Left. They set the tone for the Front’s political
allegiances when they drafted its Principles. Walter also edited the Front’s newsletter
Come Together into a collected publication for
groups (e.g. Peace and Neutrality
Alliance, Anti-WarMovement, AFRI: Action from Ireland) to various aspects
of European integration, including concerns about Irish neutrality, EU
militarisation and sovereignty. As a result while foreign matters have generally
not featured highly on the political agendas of various governments, successive
referendums over EU treaty reform have raised the issue of neutrality, leading
during the first Nice referendum to it being obliquely written into the
Constitution. This was something largely opposed by the civil service and by