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Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

the nature of resistance has been violent as well as covert. The plurality of new authorities, elites and alliances that has been forged across ideological and ethnic lines has fragmented both rule and resistance. The context has been marked by the use of violence in the pursuit of state security and economic agendas, even if through proxy armed groups. Resistance, as we will see, is not an anti-state or an anti-war movement but, rather, a negation, or at least a mitigation, of the everyday context of domination. Analyses of the sources of conflict tend to see the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Gregor Gall

strike breakers where the RMT was unable legally to call out its members at the depots that the strike breakers came from. ‘If it is good enough for the bosses to understand what solidarity is, then it should be good enough for us to bring in laws that create secondary action that is legitimate as well.’71 Earlier that year, he compared the anti-war movement to the Romanian revolution, which ended with Ceausescu’s execution. As Blair was not listening to the protests, Crow made the allusion: ‘Look at what happened in Eastern Europe when people didn’t listen.’72 In the

in Bob Crow: Socialist, leader, fighter
Evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

airstrike, and the case of British news media representation of the anti-war movement. Each of these case studies provides a more in-depth analysis of particular events that formed part of the broader patterns of supportive, negotiated and oppositional coverage documented so far. Evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage 131 Notes 1 Telephone interview with Jon Snow, 19 December 2008. 2 Telephone interview with Alex Thomson, 10 December 2008. 3 Further evidence for newspaper diversity, based on our main thematic framing measures, can be readily seen in Tables 6

in Pockets of resistance
The international links of the Australian far right in the Cold War era
Evan Smith

), which was based in Canberra. Succeeding Smith, Eric Wenberg helped orchestrate a merger between the two parties in 1968 which lasted in this form until the early 1970s (although a rump continued as the ANSP during the same period). Kathleen Belew has demonstrated how the Vietnam War had a deep impact on the American far right. 9 Australia’s involvement in the war (as well as the large-scale anti-war movement) also had a significant effect on the far right. For the Australian far right, the Vietnam War was a battle to save the nation from Asian communism and there

in Global white nationalism
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

and reliable partner for the GJM (Hanley, 2008 : 146; Karatsioubanis, 2010a ). • The prospect of strengthening the anti-war movement against US militarisation in Afghanistan and Iraq. • The prospect of articulating a pan-European defence of the European social model, seen as the core of European identity. • The perceived need to accelerate EU integration (in particular Eastern enlargement) by freeing it from ‘Euro-Atlanticism’ and from President Bush's calls for ‘a united Europe under an expanded NATO’ (Trigazis, 2003 ). • Reflecting the aforementioned

in The European Left Party
Speechifying
Emer Nolan

dramatically transformed the face of Catholic protest in the North. Their language (as in their statement of their key objectives, which was later adopted by the broader campaign for civil rights) was bracingly clear.4 They displayed no timorousness in facing up to the unionist establishment or to moderates in the Catholic community. They drew on the rhetoric, tactics and imagery of the African American civil rights campaign, the US anti-war movement and student protest in Europe. Devlin and her colleague Eamonn McCann, in particular, looked as if they had wandered off the

in Five Irish women
Abstract only
Richard Taylor

-wing movements of the first half of the twentieth century, a period of unusually dramatic and tragic events, both national and international. At various times, Wilkinson was active and prominent in Guild Socialism, the Communist Party, the women’s suffrage movement, the anti-war movement, the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the agitation over the Spanish Civil War and over Indian independence, Popular Front movements against fascism, and numerous leftwing organisations within the political labour movement. She was ‘an inveterate leaguer – from the Plebs League to the Women

in English radicalism in the twentieth century
Homosexuality and the Left in post-war Britain
Lucy Robinson

groups rather than on the world around them.71 Healy loudly condemned both the growing student and the anti-war movement as bourgeois and divisive.72 Expelled former member, Alan Thornett’s description of the League’s attitudes to sexism illuminates a wider refusal to countenance the growth of personal politics. ‘We were working-class people steeped in deeply ingrained sexist attitudes, yet the SLL had nothing to offer since their approach to women’s oppression was consistently backward.73 Thornett Politics and culture: homosexuality and the Left 27 pathologises the

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
Praxis, protest and performance
Lucy Robinson

demonstrate how the Front combined personal and traditional political experiences. Both were immersed in the Left, but had sought other ways to develop a politics of sexuality. Walter and Fernbach had already been involved in the Revolutionary Socialist Student Federation and the anti-war movement. Together they combined an appreciation of the counter-culture with their own experiences of the Left. They set the tone for the Front’s political allegiances when they drafted its Principles. Walter also edited the Front’s newsletter Come Together into a collected publication for

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
Nicholas Rees

groups (e.g. Peace and Neutrality Alliance, Anti-War Movement, AFRI: Action from Ireland) to various aspects of European integration, including concerns about Irish neutrality, EU militarisation and sovereignty. As a result while foreign matters have generally not featured highly on the political agendas of various governments, successive referendums over EU treaty reform have raised the issue of neutrality, leading during the first Nice referendum to it being obliquely written into the Constitution. This was something largely opposed by the civil service and by much

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland