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Kirsten Forkert, Federico Oliveri, Gargi Bhattacharyya, and Janna Graham

1 How postcolonial innocence and white amnesia shape our understanding of global conflicts Introduction In this chapter, we examine the main narratives used to make sense of the so-called ‘European migration crisis’ and the relationship to global conflicts. Through the powerful yet highly questionable ‘crisis’ frame (De Genova 2016a), certain events have received international news coverage and play an important role within common-sense visions of ‘reality’, whilst others have been largely ignored. Bearing in mind the available cross-European media coverage

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Superpower rivalry
Author: Joseph Heller

Four questions stand before the historian of the cold war and the Arab-Israeli conflict: 1) Did Israel and the US have a 'special relationship'? 2) Were Soviet-Israeli relations destined for failure from 1948? 3) Was the Arab-Israeli conflict insoluble because of the cold war or in spite of it? 4)Was detente between the superpowers the key to solving the Arab-Israeli conflict? Israel failed to get a security guarantee from the US because if it were granted ally status the Arab states would turn to the Soviets. Instead of a security guarantee Kennedy used the nebulous term 'special relationship', which did not bind America politically or militarily. Relations with the USSR looked promising at first, but the Zionist ideology of the Jewish state made it inevitable that relations with would worsen , since the Kremlin rejected the notion that Soviet Jews were by definition part of the Jewish nation, and therefore candidates for emigration to Israel. As for the Arabs, they were adamant that the Palestinian refugees return en mass, which meant the destruction of of Israel. No compromise suggested by the US was acceptable to to the Arabs , who were always supported by the USSR.The Soviets demanded detente cover not only the Arab states and Israel, but Turkey and Iran as well. Consequently the Middle East remained a no-man's-land between the superpowers' spheres of influence, inexorably paving the way for the wars in 1956 and 1967.

Mary A. Blackstone

 160 9 Henry V and the interrogative conscience as a space for the performative negotiation of confessional conflict Mary A. Blackstone Despite the relative distance in time between Shakespeare’s England and the upheavals of earlier Reformation and Counter-​Reformation periods, persistent aftershocks of anxiety surrounding religious belief and allegiance continued to destabilize the bedrock of English society from the level of the court and members of the nobility down to parish churches and their clergy and even to the level of Shakespeare’s groundlings

in Forms of faith

Wood reads Philip Sidney’s New Arcadia in the light of the ethos known as Philippism, after the followers of Philip Melanchthon the Protestant theologian. He employs a critical paradigm previously used to discuss Sidney’s Defence of Poesy and narrows the gap that critics have found between Sidney’s theory and literary practice. This book is a valuable resource for scholars and researchers in the fields of literary and religious studies.

Various strands of philosophical, political and theological thought are accommodated within the New Arcadia, which conforms to the kind of literature praised by Melanchthon for its examples of virtue. Employing the same philosophy, Sidney, in his letter to Queen Elizabeth and in his fiction, arrogates to himself the role of court counsellor. Robert Devereux also draws, Wood argues, on the optimistic and conciliatory philosophy signified by Sidney’s New Arcadia.

Hakim Khaldi

of projects in the north-west and north-east and in Qabassin – under ISIL control at the time. I cross-referenced my analyses with those of other researchers and journalists covering the Syrian conflict. My aim in this article is to describe the operations conducted by MSF France in four distinct areas of Syria from 2011 to 2018 during the country’s civil war: the governorates of Idlib and Aleppo, controlled by different rebel groups; the north-east, administered by the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Evolution of the normative basis
Eşref Aksu

the creation of the UN itself. The UN’s first peacekeeping mission (UNSCOB) was authorised in response to the Greek civil war in 1947. Missions to Palestine, 1 Indonesia, 2 Kashmir, 3 and Korea 4 soon followed. All of these cases involved intra-state conflicts with strong inter-state dimensions. This early intra

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Eşref Aksu

the evolution of the mission itself illustrates how an ever-expanding political space was created for the UN in relation to the conflict. In this chapter, we pay particular attention to the second phase of the operation, UNAVEM II, which marked a transition from inter-state peacekeeping to intra-state peacekeeping. During this transitional period the scope and size of UNAVEM were significantly altered – a

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Eşref Aksu

controversy, but also because the UN was ‘entrapped’ by a complex web of interlocking crises with obvious inter-state and intra-state dimensions. In the Congo, the UN was originally expected to respond to an inter-state conflict that emerged out of the decolonisation process, but soon found itself in the position of having to redefine the principles of its involvement. Our examination will in particular focus

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
A Congolese Experience
Justine Brabant

Introduction What is the logic governing journalistic practices in armed conflict contexts? 1 There are obvious physical constraints that make it difficult for sociologists and anthropologists to directly observe reporters working in war zones or areas of armed conflict. And while it is no substitute for direct observation, I would like to share my own experience of the multiple constraints that journalists face in crisis zones and of the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Costas Simitis

19 Conflicts at the highest European level Following the October 2011 summit, anxiety over instability in Greece continued to have ramifications across the EU. Italy was looking increasingly exposed to contagion from the crisis, and at risk of a similar exponential rise in borrowing costs. Even though Italy’s debt to GDP ratio was 120%, Rome had continued to access the markets at a rate of interest hovering around the 4% mark. However, 2011 saw a rise of two percentage points in this interest rate.1 Under these terms, its debt was no longer sustainable. Despite

in The European debt crisis