The introduction sets out the aim of the book: to set the nursing in the five
Crimean War armies into the wider context of the different countries’
military, cultural, political, and economic structures. It describes the
imperialist causes of the Crimean War and the war aims of each country, as
well as explaining why the book is limited to the Crimean campaign when the
war was fought in so many other places. The introduction then indicates how
these imperial aims did not have any impact on the nursing. It also explains
that the book is organized by systems of nursing rather than by
nationalities because the subject matter is transnational.
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
This chapter examines the experience of the growing number of British actress
who toured in North America in the mid nineteenth century, focusing on how
the specific local circumstances affected dramatic practice and performer
reception. It demonstrates the impact of the volatile nature of
Anglo-American relations in the aftermath of the American Civil War on those
women who crossed the Atlantic in search of theatrical work. Analysing the
American reception of British actresses and how it was reported at home
uncovers conflicting attitudes towards gender, nationality and even beauty.
The example of Adelaide Neilson, who achieved substantial transatlantic
touring success, is also used to explore how gift exchange functioned within
nineteenth-century American theatre, and to consider the extent to which
celebrity actresses, whose images were widely featured on merchandising
products, were complicit in commercial exploitation.
One of the most notable aspects of later medieval immigration is the sheer range of different nationalities entering England, and the differing patterns of their distribution across the various parts of the country. The alien subsidy returns are by far our most abundant and significant source in this respect. As noted in chapter 3 , the assessors of these taxes were not actually required to provide a nationality label for the people enumerated, but merely to vouch that they were indeed aliens. The recording of nationality was therefore an ‘optional extra’ for
This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.
Heuristic of the Spanish philosophy of diversity management
new diversity-related challenges, because it left aspects
linked to religion and linguistic and national pluralism unresolved. For
instance, the Catholic Church has some degree of cultural hegemony
in the education system and is lobbying against current political decisions related to ‘education for citizenship’, which recognize homosexual
marriage, among other disputed issues (see chapter 2). There is still a
reluctance to change the Spanish Constitution to allow access to voting
rights to all permanent residents, without distinction by nationality, and
Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson, and Frode Veggeland
own incumbent government. Paradoxically,
by applying the logic of intergovernmentalism, such as a fair
repre-sentation of different nationalities in international bureaucracies
and an open-door policy for the member states to express their opinions,
the international organisation can enhance its legitimacy and consequently its influence. By organising itself according to what it believes
or anticipates to be in the interest of the different member states, even
without outside pressure being put on it, the international bureaucracy
can generate an image of serving
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Although early accounts imply that African, American, and Asian indigenes
recognised the skins of English men and women as ‘white’, historiography
suggests that a monochromatic racial binary came into use only from about
the mid-seventeenth century in the Anglo-Atlantic colonies. Resort to
humoralism slowed acceptance of an abiding whiteness common to all English
folk, even as the same paradigm variously coloured perceptions of
foreigners. As a survey of travel literature shows, observers typically
estimated people’s nationality as well as their social status. If, for much
of our period, we cannot say that the process of discerning bodily
difference was exclusively and definitively coloured, it was certainly and
variously humoured, in a way that made such differences seem part of
nature’s course. When meeting with darker skin-tones, the English were prone
to think these indicative of humbler constitutions inherently suited to some
degree of laboured subordination. English society learned to perceive fair
skin as a signifier of elite identity before it identified itself as
universally white. Slowly, however, ordinary people began thinking of
themselves as ‘white’ too. Fair skin was recoded, helping to achieve a
solidarity among Britons and with other Europeans.
In this chapter, the author aims to analyse the historiography of the British Empire from the mid-eighteenth century until 1830, looking at both the forming of a British nation and the impact of wider cultures on the mother country. There is an emphasis on the influence of the political landscape and how the 1801 Act of Union impacted on British perceptions of nationality. Particular emphasis is paid to how the term ‘Englishness’ becomes synonymous with British culture which leads to certain aspects of Scottish, Welsh, and Irish society being left out of the development of a ‘national identity’. The chapter also focuses on the aspects of imperialism that worked their way into British life, often subconsciously, such as the act of tea-drinking. However, historical writings from the time would usually concentrate on the ‘barbarism’ of other nations compared to that of ‘civilised’ Britain, rather than acknowledging any positive change that the empire had on Britain itself. Writers would use this and any colonial victories to assert Britain’s superiority as the biggest world power.