-sector-driven sites of market testing to third-sector drives for citizen empowerment through open data to partnership structures of city government and urban stakeholders. Geographies of different approaches reflect different national political cultures. So the Scandinavian stakeholder partnership laboratories of Helsinki and Copenhagen differ significantly from the state-driven natural experiments increasingly deployed in neoclassical economics-driven research, the randomised control tests of medical work or the attempts to harvest even the most basic data on cities dominated by
Urban transformation and public health in future cities
Michael Keith and Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos
The air we breathe, the climate we share with others and the streets we walk down in the city where we might work and live are all just some of the many forms of urban commons . Like all commons they foreground the tensions between social demands that are shared by large numbers and particular rights that might be exercised by individuals, minorities and majorities. Conceptually, the notion of the city commons spans scholarly traditions. They range from empirically oriented political science to strands of critical urban studies informed by Deleuzian and
). Radical planners acknowledge the plurality of the social and many of them draw on Chantal Mouffe’s (1999) writings on agonism. Mouffe argues that honouring the existence of conflicts or agons is essential for plural democracy as such conflicts signal the limits of politics done in the name of ‘the’ public. As Laclau and Mouffe (1985  , 192) argue: “there is no radical and plural democracy without renouncing the discourse of the universal and its implicit assumption of a privileged point of access to ‘the truth’, which can be reached only by a limited number
endpoints of migration. I discuss the variegated municipal policies of these three locations towards both migrant workers and NGOs. This discussion allows exploration of local particularities of state approach to the political, social and material position of migrant workers in urban China.
Migrant workers’ role in the historical formation of citizenship in China
In order to grasp adequately the extent to which structural citizenship affects migrant workers’ position in China, the hierarchical character of structural citizenship in
, Chapter 9 ); and in networks of professional expertise ( Chapter 12 , Chapter 13 ).
The second theme running across The power of pragmatism is a political imperative, reflected in discussions of various methodologies of assertively engaged and experimental social research (e.g. Chapter 5 , Chapter 9 , Chapter 11 ). The consistent emphasis is upon not treating people as mere data points, but as active participants in a work of collective inquiry. It is this inclusive ethos that is also taken to be central to the democratic credentials of Pragmatism (e.g. Chapter
secure a pure potentiality that does not pass over into actuality”
(Brown 2013: 174). “We need to think man … as a being of pure
potentiality (potenza) that no identity and no work could exhaust”
(Agamben 2014: 69).
Pure potentiality becomes the power of means, the power of
Common spaces of urban emancipation
mediality, once it is released from its necessary connection to
specific social ends, or, more specifically, once it is released from
actuality as potentiality’s necessary outcome. Politics becomes,
for Agamben, “the sphere of pure means” (2000
Testimonies of survival and rescue at Europe’s border
Karina Horsti and Ilaria Tucci
(Alexievich, 2017 ). Such work of listening, we argue, is a critical means of producing knowledge on the humanity of disasters at the border. Listening is not the only mode: seeing, being in places and doing things with those who have survived the border are equally significant ways of gaining embodied and situated knowledge. Seeing border deaths for what they are is obstructed because they appear as accidents, while, in fact, they are disasters that have been produced: they are results of a combination of political, structural, social and individual action and inaction
, the rural idyll’ (Leapman, 2010).
Growing your own food has become a practice by those seeking something
better and different from their food, environment and society. Grassroots food
initiatives, such as community gardens and allotments, have long been recognised as spaces outside of, and challenging to, conventional political and
economic structures. Rather than relying on conventional economic exchange,
local resources are mobilised, labour is communal and materials are shared. In
the US and UK, increases in demand for urban food growing spaces have been
Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in
Late-Victorian London (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
4 Natalie Bloomer, ‘Manchester homelessness camp likely to shut after
protestors denied legal aid’, Politics website, 3 August 2015, available at
www.politics.co.uk/news/2015/08/03/manchester-homelessness-camplikely-to-shut-after-protestors (accessed 17 June 2020).
5 All names have been changed to protect identities.
6 Alex Rose and Bill Davies, Not Home: The Lives of Hidden Homeless Households
in Unsupported Temporary Accommodation in England
sustainable residential property taxes, were financed from the accrual
of development levies. Furthermore, the balanced spatial development advocated by the National Spatial Strategy (NSS) (Department of the Environment,
Heritage and Local Government, 2002) was consistently undermined by local
politicians, many of whom had a vested interest in the property market and
excessively zoned land for development (O’Toole, 2009). Within this taxation
and political system, there was a predilection for development.
Added to these factors was the involvement of the domestic banking