, in the shape of minimum-wage rates, in-work benefits and social services, on a day-to-day basis. In contrast, Rachel actively follows ‘the economy’, speculating on it.
In Brexit Britain, talk about ‘the economy’ dominates. From the 2016 referendum on membership of the European Union until the 2019 election, the main theme was how much ‘no deal’ or softer versions of Brexit would damage the economy (UK Government 2018 ). At the time of writing, these arguments about the economic effects of different future relationships with the European Union look like they
of four Trident replacement submarines was necessary. Corbyn, on defence, will
never be seen by the public as being like Clement Attlee who was viewed by
most people as a patriotic socialist (Owen, 2016), but he has wisely rebutted the
charge of being a pacifist. Labour in 2017 fought on as radical a general election
manifesto as was produced in 1945. Attlee’s election manifesto on social and
industrial policy was every bit as radical as Corbyn’s and Attlee was never an
enthusiast for the Common Market.
BrexitBrexit is not a purely British phenomenon as some
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
from our own.
Increasing ‘dissociation’ from ‘the economy’
This book challenges the ‘post-materialist’ claim (Inglehart and Norris 2016 , 2019 ) that ‘the economy’ is becoming less important to all people. It also challenges the claim in commentary on Brexit Britain that ‘the economy’ is becoming less important in particular to low-income people (Kaufmann 2017 ). Instead it backs scholarship that suggests that understandings of ‘the economy’ are changing . The interpretation low-income participants have of the ‘official’ economy as something that does not
border. In the midst of debates about Brexit and the possibilities of the reinstatement of a hard border on the island these questions have had a particular resonance. In the days after the attack, racist posters began to appear in various spots around Dundalk.
Different layers of racist discourse became evident through the media coverage of this murder: Islamophobia – anti-Muslim racism (the asylum seeker, Mohammed) and the murder of another non-white other (Yosuke) were the key dichotomies. This particular story evinces the notion that
the perceptions of Polish settlers have shifted over time. It also endeavours to address the reactions of interviewees to changes in social and political attitudes in the UK in the wake of the Brexit vote.
There are about thirty thousand Polish nationals in Northern Ireland, the majority residing in Belfast. These Polish migrants were usually young adults when they arrived in Northern Ireland, and they have been economically active since the very beginning of their stay. Although migration is not a new phenomenon in Northern Ireland, it has
The British labour movement between unity and division
Emmanuelle Avril and Yann Béliard
Introduction: the British labour
movement between unity
Emmanuelle Avril and Yann Béliard
The current troubles inside the Labour Party – which followed Jeremy
Corbyn’s election as party leader in September 2015 and were accelerated by
the 23 June 2016 Brexit referendum – have made a number of concerns that
seemed outmoded topical again, and rekindled the interest of both academics
and practitioners in organisational matters. A party built just over a century
ago by the joint efforts of most trade-union and socialist organisations, a party
eventually to be devolved to Edinburgh and Cardiff after
Brexit takes effect, but the Scottish government refused to consent to
this legislation and the Scottish Parliament instead agreed a Bill aimed
at transferring to itself all former EU-based powers relating to matters
devolved in Scotland. In December 2018, however, the UK Supreme Court
ruled that in several respects the Scottish Bill was invalid. As
stressed in the Miller case ( Miller
2017 ), the Sewel convention still has
merely a political character
Oxfordshire MP, David Cameron, was persuaded to hold a referendum by backbench colleagues at Westminster worried by the rise in electoral support for the UK Independence Party. ‘Soft’-Euroscepticism (Szczerbiak and Taggart 2008 ), and indeed Euro-realism itself, ultimately brought about the potential for a much harder type of Brexit – something which many in the Conservative Party, not least Cameron, must profoundly regret, given how they campaigned for a Remain vote. It is difficult to escape the fact that ECR institutionally represents the awkwardness that many British
majority for the
Queen’s Speech as a factor in determining electoral timing. In addition, he sought
to lay the groundwork for an autumn session, requesting a paper that outlined
what actions would have to be taken to ensure that the Government could carry
on if there were no autumn election, in terms of critical votes that could not be
delayed and handling other events including the devolution referenda.
One of May’s significant justifications for the June 2017 election was that of
opposition parties obstructing the Government over Brexit, although even from