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Colin Veach

’s successors. Hereafter the theoretical designation of Munster, Connacht and Ulster as ‘Gaelic Ireland’, ignored though it might have been by those on both sides, no longer stood in the way of rapid conquest and settlement. What is more, the marriage alliance between Ruaidrí and Hugh does not seem to have translated into congenial relations between Hugh and the new king of Connacht (Hugh’s brother-­in-­law). Rumours at the English court suggested that Hugh had designs on the succession to Connacht, or even the high kingship of Ireland. In 1184 he let his dissatisfaction with

in Lordship in four realms
Are there agreed components?
Sophie A. Whiting

, confirm a dogmatic theology of violence held by Irish Republicanism’ and ‘they intended to kill, and ultimately be killed, in order to resurrect Gaelic Ireland by means of a blood sacrifice which served to expiate sinful complacency and compromise’.33 The tradition of self-sacrifice and ­martyrdom is permanently embedded within the republican psyche. Allegiance to the tradition of republican martyrdom can be seen in discussions concerning hunger strikers. Hunger strikes in Ireland are commonly presented as a feature of political confrontation where the powerless people

in Spoiling the peace?
Abstract only
Úna Newell

legitimacy of its own embryo state institutions’34 and thereby tempered the appeal of violent forceful agrarianism. It is true that the Irish revolution did not seriously attempt a change in the social balance of power.35 Indeed, one struggles to hear the voice of Connolly or see the educational vision of Pearse and his desire for a Gaelic Ireland in the rhetoric and campaigns of a socially conservative movement that regarded agrarian militancy as something to be curbed and contained rather than channelled and harnessed. The Irish revolution was a struggle for national

in The west must wait
Úna Newell

Commission’s terms of reference were threefold: first, to define what constituted an Irish-speaking area; second, to inquire into the preservation of the Irish language; and third, to investigate the solution to the economic problems of the Gaeltacht. Besides the government’s dependence on the children of the nation to restore the language, it was the native speakers of the Gaeltacht who were relied upon to recover Pearse’s vision of a Gaelic Ireland. However, it was the government’s recognition, that any attempt to preserve the language in the Gaeltacht districts would be

in The west must wait
Raymond Gillespie

press confident that to thine use I will shortly publish other learned works which hitherto, through the iniquity of former times lay lurking in darkness.15 7 MUP/Gillespie_01_Ch1 7 15/3/05, 8:30 am The conditions of print From yet a third perspective, that of Gaelic Ireland, print also appeared attractive. By the early seventeenth century the preserving power of print was viewed by some as a way of capturing the history and culture of a traditional world that appeared under threat. In 1642 Rory O’More, one of those who had planned the rising of the previous year

in Reading Ireland
Raymond Gillespie

London did. There were few in Ireland with sufficient cash to spare to patronise literary endeavour and, apart from a brief period in the 1570s, there was little that resembled a royal court attached to the vice-regal officials in Dublin castle. Thus those with literary pretensions in Ireland, such as Barnaby Rich, Lodowick Bryskett or Edmund Spenser, looked to London for publishing outlets rather than relying on the rather disorganised press in Dublin. The literary output of Gaelic Ireland remained in either oral or manuscript form with little commercial potential

in Reading Ireland
Raymond Gillespie

Ireland were being rapidly drawn into the world of print. The output of the Dublin presses had increased dramatically but more importantly imports of books from both England and Scotland were not just passing through the professional world of the Dublin bookseller but were also arriving directly into the world of provincial Ireland as the power of the king’s printer to police the book trade weakened. The inhabitants of Gaelic Ireland was also being drawn into this world of print, a development linked to the rise of bilingualism. Native Irish poets and scribes began to

in Reading Ireland
Katy Hayward

of the Irish population, he assumes that the Gaelic culture of Ireland has survived, and outlasted, repeated attempts at colonisation. The notion that Ireland is ‘Gaelic’ is reiterated frequently in Irish nationalism, from the call by republican nationalists for a ‘Free and Gaelic Ireland’ (de Valera, 1922: 14) to the proposition that nationalist principles are inherited from ‘the Gaelic past’ (Haughey, 7 January 1982). However, Ireland is just as frequently referred to as ‘Celtic’. Indeed, the two are generally used as interchangeable signifiers in Irish official

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Katy Hayward

of the traditional conception of citizenship with that of more recent interpretations brings to light a process of change in Irish official nationalism. In traditional republican discourse, statehood essentially facilitated vital international recognition of the nation; it was vital because, as de Valera (1918: 2) conceded, ‘unfortunately it is not the peoples, but their governments, that count’. Citizenship, according to this discourse, was based on membership of the nation, ‘a Free and Gaelic Ireland’, rather than the jurisdiction of the state (de Valera, 1922

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Adrian Millar

at play in the conflict. These are ethnic (Gaelic-Irish/Scottish), religious (Calvinism and Roman Catholicism), colonialist (settler and native), progressiveness/backwardness (Catholics and Protestants) and national identity/allegiance (nationalists and unionists). All, bar ethnic differences, are oppositional and so constitute particular points of conflict. The structure of dominance – principally a matter of

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict