Search results

You are looking at 101 - 110 of 1,080 items for :

  • "International law" x
  • All content x
Clear All
Abstract only
Evgeny Roshchin

the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship 2 Friendship among nations through Churches (1914–1947) and Woodrow Wilson’s description of the statute of the League of Nations in terms of friendship, to the United Nations Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States. In fact, making formal friendship is as old as the hills in world history. But despite, or perhaps because of, the universality of the practice, a common popular attitude is to question whether the statesmen and – women involved

in Friendship among nations
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Contrary to international law, international political theory and political philosophy paid scant attention to the ethics of intervention in the long nineteenth century. 1 As for humanitarian intervention per se, there is nothing, apart from cursory remarks by John Stuart Mill and Giuseppe Mazzini. On the wider question of intervention and non-intervention we will refer to their views and to those of Kant, Hegel and Cobden. Based on today’s distinction

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Abstract only
Kevin O’Sullivan

valued by the international community for their support for collective security and the primacy of international law. In addressing the relationship between Africa and the UN, Nkrumah emphasised the need for the world organisation to take a greater responsibility in bringing peace and security to the continent. He pointed to the important role played by small states as a counter-balance to the diplomatic weight of the superpowers: ‘the collective and concerted voice of the smaller nations must be heard. It is wrong that the rest of the world should sit idly by and

in Ireland, Africa and the end of empire
Contesting the meaning of the 2015 refugee crisis in Sweden
Admir Skodo

-reaching changes in a country that has long prided itself on welcoming asylum seekers. But, far from threatening Swedish state sovereignty, as the Swedish national government and mainstream media claimed, I show that this perceived crisis has both justified, asserted, and extended it by recourse to national and international law on the one hand, and an associative chain link between asylum seekers, illegal immigration, terrorism, and crisis, on the other. At the same time, I reveal how the perceived crisis has exposed rifts between different levels of Swedish governance, where

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Harry Blutstein

for his failures more instructive. In Geneva I was impressed with the power of a nation that can say no to an international body that has no supranational power. Goodwill between men, between nations, is not enough. One must also have international laws and institutions.12 During the 1950s, Monnet helped develop economic and political institutions that would bring Europe closer together. This experiment took the liberal order into new territory by subjecting nation-­states to the authority of supranational rules. These two variants of the international liberal

in The ascent of globalisation
From theory to advocacy
Andrea Boggio and Cesare P. R. Romano

remedy to victims of violations in specific cases and cause the development of a body of opinions and other policy outcomes which can contribute, with authority, to defining the content of the right. In the first part of this chapter, we map out the recognition of the right to science under international law, both at the global and regional level. We then look at important international developments, and in particular, the work of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Cultural Rights, and the emergence of an academic debate on the right to science. We then turn to

in The freedom of scientific research
A. J. Coates

Moreover, given the extreme catholicity and Introduction to the first edition21 internal variety of the tradition itself (a variety sometimes bordering on anarchy) the narrowing of focus is more apparent than real. The problems, issues, arguments, methods and concerns that an inclusive ethics of war might be expected to address fall well within the tradition’s wide embrace. The influence of the tradition has not been confined to the realm of moral theorizing. Just war principles and concepts have helped to shape (and have in turn been shaped by) international law in a

in The ethics of war
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s many commentators and critics. Key features of the debates over NATO’s employment of military power have been concerned with its legality and legitimacy (i.e. the role of the UN and international law), its ethical basis and its impact on the doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of states. The conceptual debates that have raged over these issues are important not only within the context of European security but

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
A twenty-first century trial?
Dominic McGoldrick

international law committed against Serbia in respect of Kosovo?55 Moreover, what of the other members of the international community, both those which supported and sustained the former Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Milosevic,56 and those which failed to intervene to stop the ethnic cleansing and other atrocities?57 And, finally, can the independence and impartiality of the ICTY be credibly maintained? Both Milosevic and the amici have challenged the legitimacy of the process on the grounds of bias. Can it withstand the critiques of those who consider that the trial is merely

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Kropotkin’s rejection of anti
Peter Ryley

. Both engaged with the emerging social sciences to develop theories that would explain how wars arose and what was needed to stop them. These explanations fell into four main groups: free trade and non-intervention; anti-statism and anti-imperialism; international law and arbitration; and radical social change, notably socialism and feminism. Free trade and non-intervention The association between trade and peace was established liberal opinion by the mid-eighteenth century. As early as 1748 Montesquieu wrote that ‘Peace is the natural effect of trade’, binding

in Anarchism, 1914–18