monarchs, ministers and the mob.
Domestically, the state can give
itself whatever constitutional and political system it likes. The principle
assumes that no other state or internationalorganisation has the right
under normal circumstances to determine the internal political arrangements
of a state. The Treaty of Westphalia established this principle. It is a key element of
the legal basis for the modern state. Nevertheless, a
readily embraced by their European partners. This quick
implementation left little time for either the fledgling politicians or
the electorate to consider or prepare for the process of democracy.
In considering how to design the system, the
internationalorganisations in charge, the UN, EU and OSCE, ignored the
traditional and cultural ways of determining choice (such as family
voting) and rushed forward
Perspectives from Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovin
Elena B. Stavrevska, Sumona DasGupta, Birte Vogel, and Navnita Chadha Behera
, activities, capacities and impacts,3 primarily because it
is often seen – not without reason – as a donor-driven, propped-up space
Agency, autonomy and compliance
created by internationalorganisations. Even as we locate our study of
agency within the space that we call civil society, we are mindful of the
fact that significant segments of it can be coerced and co-opted particularly in conflict areas either by state or non-state actors.
Drawing from three sites of contemporary (post-)conflict situations
in this chapter – Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), Cyprus and
Governance and the clash of capitalisms
This chapter provides a theoretical lens through which to analyse the
impact of EU enlargement upon the European social dimension. At
the heart of the theoretical debate on European integration lies the
fundamental division between those who view the EU as an internationalorganisation in which the Member States are the ultimate determinants of
outcomes, as opposed to those who consider integration to generate its
own momentum and thereby undermine Member State sovereignty. This
division has its origins within
feature: the realisation that particular ends – be they political, cultural or
scientific – could not be achieved through national action alone.
Internationalism was closely connected to transnational practices. Influenced
by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye’s work, scholars have used the term
‘transnational’ to stress that internationalorganisations and multinational corporations help shape the international system alongside inter-state relations.9
This approach has influenced research into ‘transnational advocacy networks’
and transnational protest movements.10
Socialisation and the domestic reception of international norms
/12/2012 12:17 Page 45
International policy diffusion: socialisation and the domestic reception of international norms
rights-violating states. The findings from the SSU case demonstrate that internationalorganisations and transnational advocacy networks can have a profound
effect on the human rights policies of western democracies, although the
processes through which this influence operates are somewhat different and less
instrumental than what has been reported in literature on authoritarian or transition regimes.
More generically, the SSU case also sheds light on the
down precisely what this concept means. Here are a few questions to be
• What is regulatory quality?
• How do governments, internationalorganisations and academics
approach this concept?
• What are the advantages and limitations of an approach focused on
• How does the institutional context affect quality?
This chapter tackles these questions. As mentioned in chapter 1, our analysis
is conﬁned to the policy known as better regulation, that is, a set of initiatives
to improve the capacity of governments and the EU to deliver high
’ – rather than bibliography – after 1903.56 The stimulus
to create an institution for their further-reaching ambitions arrived with the
Congress of Global Economic Expansion in Mons in 1905. In response to one
of its resolutions, La Fontaine, Otlet and the Catholic civil servant Cyrille Van
Overbergh founded the Central Office of International Institutions which,
three years later, turned into the UIA. These bodies were conceived as clearing
houses for all kinds of internationalorganisations.
Internationalism as science
The idea that internationalism could and should be
Law Commission ‘ Fourth report on identification of customary international law by Michael Wood, Special Rapporteur Addendum ’ ( 2016 ) A/CN.4/695/Add.1 .
7 International Law Commission , ‘ Report of the International Law Commission on the Work of it Sixty-Eighth Session ’ (2 May–10 June and 4 July–12 August 2016 ) A/71/10 , 76 – 117 .
8 Sir M Wood and O Sender , ‘ 2014 Jonathan J Charney Distinguished Lecture in Public International Law: InternationalOrganisations and Customary International Law ’ ( 2015 ) 48 Vanderbilt Journal of
corpses or other
bodily remains, most often once the violence is over. The aim of
the present volume, then, is precisely to examine this status and
the factors at stake in its construction.
Once episodes of mass violence and genocides come to an end,
the resulting human remains become the subject of numerous and
varied forms of investment. They are claimed by families and states
and subjected to the attention of internationalorganisations and the
media. They may of course be forgotten, but they may equally be
instrumentalised, placed in memorials or, to the contrary