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Jean d’Aspremont

apply. This means, for instance, that the practice of international organisations or that of non-State actors is said to be instrumental in the crystallisation of purely inter-State rules. In that sense, third-party practice becomes a source of practice for the sake of customary international law. This is so even if the practice of that third party is purely virtual. Indeed, it is sometimes argued that, even if international organisations have no territory, they generate practice relevant for the establishment of inter-State obligations pertaining to how a territory

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Christian Kaunert

become a state. Yet, its attributes are clearly more advanced than generally expected from an international organisation. The EU works according to its own laws (EU laws, not international law), has a legislature (The Council and the European Parliament), and two quasiexecutives with the Council and the Commission. It is a union of states and citizens according to the treaties – and thus somewhere

in European internal security
A framework of inclusion and exclusion
Mark Webber

(2) international law and regimes with the latter understood as ‘sets of rules, created by explicit agreements among states’ themselves, in turn, often managed by international organisations. 14 Institutions are a pervasive feature of international politics. Since 1945 the number and scope of international organisations and regimes has increased markedly, a

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Abstract only
James Keating

antipodean women’s global influence, the story might have been different, for example, had Sheppard thrilled London crowds and accepted offers to assume the World’s suffrage superintendency, or had Nicholls returned to the international conference circuit before her seventieth birthday. Acknowledging Australian and New Zealand feminists’ difficult relationship with the international suffrage movement should not diminish their achievements. Although major women’s international organisations met exclusively in the Northern Hemisphere until the Pan-Pacific Women

in Distant Sisters
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

monarchs, ministers and the mob. Domestically, the state can give itself whatever constitutional and political system it likes. The principle assumes that no other state or international organisation has the right under normal circumstances to determine the internal political arrangements of a state. The Treaty of Westphalia established this principle. It is a key element of the legal basis for the modern state. Nevertheless, a

in Understanding political ideas and movements
European Union policy in South-east Europe
Anthony Welch

readily embraced by their European partners. This quick implementation left little time for either the fledgling politicians or the electorate to consider or prepare for the process of democracy. In considering how to design the system, the international organisations in charge, the UN, EU and OSCE, ignored the traditional and cultural ways of determining choice (such as family voting) and rushed forward

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Perspectives from Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovin
Elena B. Stavrevska, Sumona DasGupta, Birte Vogel, and Navnita Chadha Behera

, activities, capacities and impacts,3 primarily because it is often seen – not without reason – as a donor-driven, propped-up space Agency, autonomy and compliance 89 created by international organisations. Even as we locate our study of agency within the space that we call civil society, we are mindful of the fact that significant segments of it can be coerced and co-opted particularly in conflict areas either by state or non-state actors. Drawing from three sites of contemporary (post-)conflict situations in this chapter – Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), Cyprus and

in Cultures of governance and peace
Paul Copeland

2 Governance and the clash of capitalisms This chapter provides a theoretical lens through which to analyse the impact of EU enlargement upon the European social dimension. At the heart of the theoretical debate on European integration lies the fundamental division between those who view the EU as an international organisation in which the Member States are the ultimate determinants of outcomes, as opposed to those who consider integration to generate its own momentum and thereby undermine Member State sovereignty. This division has its origins within

in EU enlargement, the clash of capitalisms and the European social dimension
Abstract only
Daniel Laqua

one feature: the realisation that particular ends – be they political, cultural or scientific – could not be achieved through national action alone. Internationalism was closely connected to transnational practices. Influenced by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye’s work, scholars have used the term ‘transnational’ to stress that international organisations and multinational corporations help shape the international system alongside inter-state relations.9 This approach has influenced research into ‘transnational advocacy networks’ and transnational protest movements.10

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930
Socialisation and the domestic reception of international norms
Kelly Kollman

/12/2012 12:17 Page 45 International policy diffusion: socialisation and the domestic reception of international norms rights-violating states. The findings from the SSU case demonstrate that international organisations and transnational advocacy networks can have a profound effect on the human rights policies of western democracies, although the processes through which this influence operates are somewhat different and less instrumental than what has been reported in literature on authoritarian or transition regimes. More generically, the SSU case also sheds light on the

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies