Displacement and the humanitarian response to suffering: reflections on aiding Armenia
9 K. L. Essayon to James Read, 12 June 1958, Fonds UNHCR 11, as above, Folder 15/JOR/ARM Armenian refugees in Jordan (1958–67).
10 R. Kent, The Anatomy of Disaster Relief: T he International Network in Action (London: Pinter, 1987); Peter Redfield, ‘The Unbearable Lightness of Expats: Double Binds of Humanitarian Mobility’, Cultural Anthropology , 27:2 (2012), 358–82; D. Rodogno, B. Struck and J. Vogel (eds), Shaping the Transnational Sphere: The Transnational Networks of Experts (1840–1930) (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014).
11 D. Rodogno, ‘Non-state
for further work on the manner in which non-stateactors drive the (dis)integration process. Finally, it is stressed that, notwithstanding tendencies for competition, the endurance of the EU is unequivocally in the interests of labour; I end by evaluating ways in which the EU might be reformed so as to strengthen institutional grounds for labour cooperation.
systems, ambitions, and attainments is subsequently much more extensive than they once were. Likewise, the rise of powerful non-stateactors
in the post-Cold War period has severely undermined the traditional
role and legitimacy of the state.
A central feature of the state is to provide for the delivery of public
goods (such as security) to its citizenry, and states fail to function as
states when they can no longer do this. Others point to various litmus
tests to determine state failure: an inability to perform key functions of a
state; cannot or will not provide for
issues will be common to both, such as the question of
collective responsibility and whether an organisation or institution can apologise for an event which preceded the existence of the members who currently
constitute it. Clearly, there are also important differences between these types
of apology as states have particular characteristics and responsibilities that set
them apart from non-stateactors. Two of these which are particularly pertinent to the apology are the relationship between state and citizen, and the
state as an international actor and its relations
businesses) will be used
to describe any for-profit ownership form whereby non-stateactors
(apart from workers or cooperative members) own all or a substantial share of the enterprise. This includes both closely held ‘private’
companies, which do not trade shares on public stock exchanges,
and ‘public’ companies that do. It also includes companies whose
Introduction: Public ownership 7
shareholders may include certain public institutions (like pension
and sovereign wealth funds), but where those institutions do not
hold a majority or controlling stake.
that public policy should be transformed? Surely it is health policy that is the problem? To answer this, let us explore what is meant by ‘public policy’.
Public policy and its transformation
Public policy entails considering and using one or more of a long list of policy instruments. Among these instruments we can mention: public expenditure; economic penalties; economic incentives; linking government-controlled benefits to behaviour; formal regulations and legislation to control behaviour; voluntary regulations between governments and non-stateactors (public
abundantly clear, contemporary forms of organization of social and economic life
among non-stateactors at both sub-state and supra-state
levels, transnational and transgovernmental, pose multiple
challenges to the traditional instruments of state authority,
as they manipulate and bypass state legal systems. Conventional democratic legitimacy appears to be seriously challenged. By comparison, democratization’s consequences for
globalization seem to have been the focus of far less critical
inquiry by political scientists and others.
All the regions have been touched
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis
democracies. And those weapons will be of limited value in deterring and coercing
non-stateactors who engage themselves in micro-wars within and across state
borders.32 Within the subsystem of the advanced capitalist and ever-globalising,
if not already globalised, world, where the Union and the US act and interact
without the presence of the communist threat, the significance of military
strength is being reduced. Threats or promises concerning force are very difficult to make on issues of trade barriers or macroeconomic policy co-ordination.
Estimates of future power
Theoretical approaches and a path from the Crimea to stability
James W. Peterson
situation in five of the chapters. Many new power centers had emerged, such as the post-communist states in Central Europe, and they reinforced the ascendant multi-polarity. Further, America and Russia struggled to contend with all kinds of non-stateactors that threatened the boundaries of their nation-states, and these strivings reflected the realist beliefs of their leaders that rational control and planning were possibilities.
Table 1 Classification of models and theories by chapter number
Missions, the colonial state and constructing a health system in colonial Tanganyika
us in the Introduction to this volume, ‘colonial medicine’
in Tanganyika (as with other colonies and imperial possessions) was
never, and never could have been, solely provided by any one actor. The
Colonial Service was neither unified nor unidirectional in its
provision, and collaboration between the Colonial Medical Service and
non-stateactors was the norm. In Tanganyika by the 1930s, the claim to