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Matt Perry

, signalling the NEC’s increasing scrutiny of her campaigning activities.212 Although Wilkinson could not attend because she was in India, the World Anti-War Congress took place in Amsterdam on 27–29 August 1932 and she was associated with the network it established. On 30 July 1933 at the British Anti-War Movement’s Hyde Park demonstration to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the outbreak of the First World War, Wilkinson emphasised the need for workers’ unity after German events.213 Its platform of speakers – including Racamond of the Confédération Générale du Travail

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
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Celia Hughes

possibilities which the actions of foreign students and workers presented for external change, in ways that would inform their own experiences of grass-roots activity in the anti-war movement, in student strikes, in the factories, docks and in tenants’ campaigns. The next chapter pursues the tensions surrounding gender, class, social mores and subjectivity marking the experiences of university students. In the late 1960s the activist network which spawned from the capital and expanded to contacts overseas acquired an internal, psychic shape as much as a tangible cultural form

in Young lives on the Left
Sarah Glynn

shortly after 9/11 that Al Muhajiroun ‘have a few individuals who have big mouths and they shout’.87 The reaction of British Jamaat-linked groups to both the terrorism in New York and the war in Afghanistan was firm but measured – in fact very much in line with the wider anti-war movement, but with greater emphasis on the lack of incontrovertible legal proof of bin Laden’s guilt. They regarded Afghanistan Glynn 08_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:55 Page 195 MOBILISATION THROUGH ISLAM under the Taliban as a sort of failed Islamic state in the same way that Trotskyists have

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Saul Newman

power is exercised over people who have no rights. The demand to recognise the rights of ‘illegal’ migrants and asylum seekers and to not subject them to humiliating and draconian detention and surveillance measures is therefore also a demand directed ultimately at the entire state capitalist system. Another example might be the demands of the anti-war movement, with which the anti-globalisation movement has largely intersected. Here the millions who turned out across the world to demonstrate against the impending Iraq war in 2003, were not simply demanding a halt to

in Unstable universalities
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Michael Chabon’s Telegraph Avenue (2012) and Jonathan Lethem’s The Fortress of Solitude (2003)

around overlapping issues of civil rights, gender equality, freedom of assembly, and the anti-war movement, taking shape in the collective action of groups founded in the town, such as the Peace/Rights Organizing Committee, the Free Speech Movement – ‘born near the corner of Bancroft and Telegraph’ – and prominent campus chapters of national organisations, including Students for a Democratic Society. 59 As important as individual causes were, equally significant was the style of political engagement: to coin a New Left slogan, ‘The Issue is not the issue’. 60 The

in The politics of male friendship in contemporary American fiction
Fact and fiction in the Regeneration trilogy
Natasha Alden

God knows who else was, [to the government,] merely an elaborate disguise, behind which lurked the real anti-war movement, a secret, highly efficient organisation dedicated to the overthrow of the state as surely and simply as [the Ministry of Munitions] was dedicated to its preservation.117 The government paranoia is as powerful as that of the prisoners in Aylesbury jail – both fear that they are watched by an invisible, hostile force, all the more powerful because of its psychological pervasiveness. Barker shows us the effect of this fear when it is felt about

in Reading behind the lines
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Initiatives and obstacles, 1870–1914
Douglas A. Lorimer

Histories of racism overlook the role of opposing historical actors, and yet anti-racism has roots in the past. The first line of resistance came from persons of colour subject to slavery and other oppressive practices. Espousing the common humanity of all peoples, abolitionists had the potential to join in resistance, but their commitment to the civilising mission, response to slave emancipation, and support of colonial interventions compromised this potential. After 1865, the Aborigines Protection Society (APS) exposed new coercive labour practices and articulated a doctrine of native rights. From the mid-1880s to 1900, radical abolitionists and persons of colour, including early colonial nationalists, came together to challenge racist practices in the empire, the United States, and metropolitan Britain. With the South Africa War, the language of critics became more radical, but had limited impact in the face of white power. In 1909, the APS, exhausted by this struggle, joined with the more moderate British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. The new society abandoned the language of native rights in favour of a paternalistic imperial trusteeship. The alliance with persons of colour was broken, and colonial nationalists faced the task of reconstituting forces of resistance.

in Science, race relations and resistance
Lynn Anthony Higgins

Communist Party for failing to support the anti-war movement, and he blames himself for lacking the courage to support Algerian independence. Despite its grim subject, the film is lyrical and lovingly made, a tribute to men and families who suffered in silence, whether they did the right thing or not. The soldiers’ own photos are especially effective: juxtaposed with their faces of today, the difference is a poignant memorial to lost innocence and, in some cases, to the high price paid for wisdom. Response to the film was

in Bertrand Tavernier
Helen Thompson

sentiments among textile producers in the south, where he was trying to establish a new constituency of Republican voters from Democrats disillusioned with their party over civil rights and the anti-war movement. Once in office, he pressed the Japanese government to sign a multi-fibre agreement restricting Japanese textile exports, and insisted that any movement on Okinawa would be dependent on substantial concessions. On Bretton Woods, Nixon was as unwilling as Johnson to readjust American macroeconomic policy. By 1971, American gold reserves covered just 22 per cent of

in Might, right, prosperity and consent