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Matthew S. Weinert

interhuman recognition and awareness of moral universalisms filter through diplomatic discourse, interstate political rhetoric and non-state actor campaigns. Debates within international organizations evidence reflection in ways that discount the value of state borders and parochialisms when human well-being and human development are persistently at stake. Transnational social

in Recognition and Global Politics
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

compromises. These include shared coercive and extractive capacity with foreign countries, state and non-state actors. The DRC case illustrates that state authority is seen as paramount to other post-conflict strategies like democratisation, economic reconstruction and even peace. However, it also illustrates that state authority may be represented, mediated, shared or compromised by other institutions, actors and even other competing state authorities. This sociological understanding of peacebuilding goes beyond the hybridity accounts. It analyses how macro, micro, present

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Asia-Pacific security legacies and futures
Anthony Burke and Matt McDonald

institutions (particularly if associated with an increase in non-state actor involvement), she uses the example of the ‘comprehensive security’ and ‘human security’ discourses elaborated by the Japanese government and ASEAN to point to the continued centrality of the state (rather than individuals) and the extent of limits in a regional context to fundamental change in security conceptions and practices

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Nikolaos Voulgaris

context in which they are placed. To the extent that the International Law Commission addresses the role of other non-State actors in the formation of custom, the same question pertains to them too. Thus, the International Law Commission should have taken one step back and pondered on the fundamental question of the relationship between subjects and custom in international law. One does not clearly understand whether international organisations matter in principle in the formation of customary rules since the International Law Commission did not provide a legal

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Tomoko Yamashita

upon the pleadings and observations submitted by both parties. From the moment when international tribunals opened the door for direct access by non-State actors, private persons acting as claimants actively began to affect the formation of international law through the tribunals. Such international tribunals are commonly created under a special treaty regime; however, their decisions may be extended to the interpretation and identification of a specific rule of customary international law as long as such an argument is raised by the claimant and it falls within

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
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Elke Schwarz

to, specifically those in the Middle East and African regions. China's counterpart to the General Atomic MQ-9 Reaper, the CH-5 Rainbow, sells for about half the price (Chen 2017 ). Moreover, the frequency of reports indicating that non-state actors, such as ISIS, are in possession of armed drones is increasing and it is likely that this will be a trend that is difficult to bring to a halt. In all arenas where lethal drones are employed, it is difficult to

in Death machines
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Foreign policy as public policy
Klaus Brummer, Sebastian Harnisch, Kai Oppermann, and Diana Panke

distinct from public policy (Sprout and Sprout 1956 ; Snyder et al. 1962 ; Allison 1971 ; Hudson 2005 ). While public policy usually concerns policies in the domestic sphere, such as health, labor market, or infrastructure policies, foreign policy is about how a country acts in the international arena, for example vis-à-vis other state or non-state actors or within international organizations (IOs). The two policy realms are also often seen to differ systematically with regard to the distribution of formal decision-making authority and the

in Foreign policy as public policy?
How transnational pharmaceutical groups manipulate scientific publications
Isabell Hensel and Gunther Teubner

. 12 For the current discussion in Germany, see Rüfner, ‘Grundrechtsadressaten’; in a historical perspective, see Stolleis, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts , vol. 4, pp. 216 ff. On the legal position in Europe, see Clapham, Human Rights Obligations of Non-State Actors . For international law, see Gardbaum, ‘“Horizontal effect” of constitutional

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Modernisation abandoned
Peter Dorey

the Party’s traditional commitment to a limited state. However, once the scale and severity of the post-2008 economic downturn became apparent, the Conservative Party’s stance shifted further, as Cameron promoted the concept of the ‘Big Society’, whereby a range of non-state actors would be encouraged to ‘deliver’ sundry public services and welfare provision. This would entail a burgeoning network of charities, not-for-profit organisations, philanthropists, ‘third sector’ bodies and voluntary groups becoming involved in administering some of the activities hitherto

in David Cameron and Conservative renewal
Darren Halpin

-old rivalry between states. They can hold other state and non-state actors to account; act as democratising agents, giving under-represented peoples a ‘voice’ at the global level; and put social and moral issues onto the global agenda. The notion that global civil society, or (I)NGOs, can contribute to plugging the democratic deficit associated with global governance is echoed by many IGOs. Most of these institutions, such as the United Nations, have had longstanding arrangements in place to consult with groups of various types (Gordenker and Weiss

in Groups, representation and democracy