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British and French colonial discourses on education for development in the interwar period
Walter Schicho

covered by German war reparations. As Germany did not pay, financing had to be obtained by other means: loans taken out by the colonies, the sale of concessions to private enterprises, and government grants. Sarraut’s compilation of policies and data which formed the background for his proposal was published in 1923 as a book, which became a foundational text of reference for local

in Developing Africa
James Naus

, perpetually serving God in proper manner there, could obtain the necessary food. Some of them chose during their lifetimes to be buried in the church that they had founded, granting to them every kind of immunity. 21 Philip’s anger was partly the consequence of the longstanding Capetian policy of using control of churches in non-Capetian territory as a mechanism to expand political power. But there is perhaps more to Rigord’s comments. When Hugh refused to make the reparations to the churches

in Constructing kingship
Andrew Williams

beginning to manifest itself in the Senate. A cross-party coalition, centred on Senators Lodge, Knox and Borah, was gaining ground.48 This was quite apart from the growing disquiet felt about the treatment of Germany, fickle American public opinion having swung back in favour of the defeated to a certain extent, and particularly about the territorial and financial (reparations) clauses of the Treaty. By the end of the Conference it was obvious even to Cecil that there was little hope of Wilson getting Senate acceptance of a combination of the League Covenant, whose

in Failed imagination?
Gareth Dale

million. The debts for the French wars: here is the security for it. The security for these funds, however, are the German reparations. But if the Germans were to repay this debt, the British economy would plunge into bankruptcy. It is with this crisis that the British threaten the rest of the world. They use it openly against France and covertly against the USA. For the latter cannot be threatened openly: in that case Britain’s credibility would vanish. And for a nation of merchants, credit represents everything. Hence, the ideal situation for the British would be to

in Karl Polanyi
Brexit in historical perspective
Robert Holland

during the war. The British were very differently placed. Their economy, so disproportionately geared to war after 1940, needed time to convert back to peacetime conditions. Putting mainland European industries back on their feet was anything but a priority; even perhaps the reverse. ‘It is not pleasant’, the Federation of British Industries, the predecessor of today’s Confederation of British Industry, summed up the feeling in 1946 at a time of a darkening outlook, ‘for us [in Britain] to face the need to encourage the revival of past competitors’ (German Reparations

in The road to Brexit
Hopes and fears for a united Europe in Britain aft er the Second World War
Lara Feigel and Alisa Miller

governments from going to war’. This was overly optimistic even in 1919 and 1920, with the memory of the First World War fresh: Lloyd George had to move with extreme caution to satisfy xenophobic voices at home that focused not on peace and integration but on reparations and the punishment of war criminals (Stevenson, 2004 : 418–19). Nonetheless, despite calls by some prominent British intellectuals for more substantive commitments, the main voices calling for a federated Europe between the two world wars were not, predominantly, from Britain. 6 A new journal, Pan

in The road to Brexit
Abstract only
European integration as a system of conflict resolution in the Franco-German relationship (1950–63)
Boyka Stefanova

and had to pay an indemnity of 5 billion francs to the German Empire. During the 70-year period after that France and Germany fought against each other in the two world wars. At the end of the First World War the Versailles Treaty imposed reparations and territorial annexation on Germany, inducing a new cycle of nationalism and enmity which led to Hitler’s occupation of one-third of French territory during the

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution
Naomi Roux

. In these instances, public art and urban design have been given the role, as Pierre Voges has put it, of ‘dynamic place-making’ – a euphemism for drawing investment into public space and producing economic transformation for the city as a whole. Then there are the ‘softer’ elements of this form of remaking – a form of speaking back into colonial spaces, fostering new spaces of belonging and a sense of collective and inclusive ownership over the city. In this regard, as Zayd Minty has argued, public art becomes a potential form of ‘symbolic reparations’ of the kind

in Remaking the urban
João Labareda

British Museum (respectively) systematically refuse restitutions. Therefore, it seems possible to link past injustice with the present by looking at the harm that injustice is still producing today. In this sense, it may be rightly said that reparations are “not for the sake of the past, but for the sake of the future”. 63 Revisiting the origins of the Eurozone crisis In this section, I discuss the origins of the sovereign debt crisis and its impacts on the current functioning of the Eurozone from a normative perspective. I have already deconstructed the

in Towards a just Europe
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

susceptible of objective proof, it is established through formal proceedings under the jurisdiction of a court, and it is subject to punishment as determined by the court. Political guilt arises from the fact that everyone ‘is co-responsible for the way he is governed’ and has therefore to bear the consequences of deeds of state; this may involve liability for reparations following on defeat in war. Moral guilt arises because we are, as individuals, responsible for our actions, including the execution of orders. The proper forum of moral guilt is the individual’s own

in The Norman Geras Reader